french revolution nationalism essay

The Nationalism Role During the French Revolution Essay

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Introduction

Pre-revolutionary france, nation and society.

Bibliography

The modern concept of nationalism does not consider its long history and the difference in cultural and political contexts. One of the most developed variants of this concept is the nationalism of the era of the French Revolution. Nationalism then gave meaning to a substantial political movement against the monarchy and helped shape modern France culturally, ideologically, and politically. Nationalism as a cultural concept matured in French literature and philosophy, becoming related to religion in terms of meanings. In 1789, with the outbreak of the French Revolution, the idea of ​​nationalism spread throughout France, forming a new ideology and structure of society that adhered to the values ​​of freedom, equality, and fraternity. The rise of nationalism within France, as it played heavily during the French Revolution, is considered hereafter.

By 1789, an absolute monarchy had developed in France during the life of Louis XVI. He, in turn, relied on an extensive bureaucracy, a vast apparatus of officials, and a regular army. France’s entire political and cultural life revolved around the family of the ruler and his associates. Louis XVI behaved wastefully, and boldly, and showed complete ignorance of ordinary citizens’ affairs and France’s economic problems. Against the backdrop of absolute monarchy in 1788, unemployment developed among the working class and peasants who worked in the silk weaving industry and were engaged in harvesting 1 . The general mental state of the citizens was depressive since France of those years reflected only the royal family’s life. The impression was that ordinary people felt isolated and deprived of the opportunity to express themselves. It is how the pre-revolutionary crisis developed, which raised a wave of French nationalism. The economic background made a quiet life of people impossible since they could neither work, trade nor pay royal taxes.

Realizing this, Louis XVI makes the first concessions and begins to consult with the assembly of notables. The assembled group included aristocrats, whom the king usually only notified of his will but did not consult and did not entrust the solution to significant problems. Meanwhile, in 1789, a political crisis can be traced against the backdrop of an economic one, and Louis XVI convened the Estates General 2 . The Estates General is a representative body of power, incredibly responsible to citizens for innovations, particularly economic ones. It is an elected body, which eventually caused an unexpected stir among the peasants and the bourgeoisie, who wanted to participate in the country’s political life and put forward their demands. The peasants opposed payments, significant taxes, and levies and declared discrimination from feudal lords and seigneurs in their direction. The bourgeoisie demanded the abolition of censorship and restrictions on trade and industry.

It should be noted that the bourgeoisie was the stronghold of the ideas of the Enlightenment, which played a critical role in forming a new French ideology based on nationalism. The opening of the Estates General in the spring of 1789 made it possible for the people to feel their influence on matters of state 3 . The people felt united because they made efforts to solve everyday problems. Nevertheless, Louis XVI treated the Estates General condescendingly and lightly, considering them only as an auxiliary situational body for solving economic issues. Inspired people, seeing each other’s discontent and realizing for the first time overcoming fragmentation, began to act.

The French Enlightenment became the backbone for creating the ideology of nationalism. Then the concept of nationalism was inextricably linked with society itself, and some philosophers did not separate these two concepts. However, historical and political events have reformed the linguistic meaning of the word. The views of Jean-Jacques Rousseau became central to the formation of the ideology of the French Revolution. Thanks to his works and other authors, France’s concept of nation and nationalism was quickly intellectualized while becoming the property of the peasants, not the aristocracy, the bourgeoisie, and the upper class.

Having defined the nation, Jean-Jacques Rousseau took up the difficult task of educating and instilling new moral and intellectual values. The ideological awareness of the nation begins at a moment of crisis and dispute, where all people understand the possibilities of unification 4 . Nationalism was understood by Jean-Jacques Rousseau exclusively as cultural and political. A nation is a formed independent unit because it needs a state. And this state should personify the nation and be in close contact with it. In the monarchical rule, this was not possible since, under the absolute power of Louis XVI, the French were separated from France. Louis XVI became the face of France; in contrast, France as a state became the only manifestation of the power of Louis XVI and his family.

The nationalist revolution took place in France because the people became the sole referent for the actions carried out by the revolutionaries. This revolution was carried out for the people and at the hands of the people, who had ideological enemies that prevented them from gaining freedom. A nation could live only by politics, and politics was the only way to manifest national aspirations 5 . Nevertheless, according to the ideologists of the French Revolution, the final formation of the nation takes place only after the revolution’s victory, even though the revolutionary struggle is closely connected with nationalism.

The theoretical justification for the nationalism of the revolution lies in the term of the sovereign. In monarchical countries, the sovereign is the king and his family, and the closest associates may also partially have the sovereign status 6 . The king is the guarantor of sovereignty and its most striking manifestation. That is why a king’s assassination or natural death (especially in the Middle Ages) was perceived as a severe blow and a possible end to statehood in monarchical countries. As a result of the revolution, and even at the moment of the revolution, the nation becomes sovereign. It is the central meaning of French nationalism and revolutionary mood. It is in the hands of the nation that the main forces and potential of the state are concentrated. The sovereign nation decides its future; its members are intellectually and morally developed, consistent, intelligent, and robust.

Jean-Jacques Rousseau develops before the revolution the theory of the social contract and the term of the civil religion, which is the list of ideologies in which the nation sincerely believes. Such a religion may be unique for each nation member in detail, but its coordinates, as a whole, should be general 7 . Thus, the French nation has chosen as its ideologemes freedom, the ideals of equality and support for each other, that is, fraternity. This ideology consistently shaped the revolutionary and post-revolutionary French society and later became a household name for democratic ideologies. Initially, however, the Rousseauist concept was far from what people now understand by democracy: the state’s rule under the people’s will. The Rousseauian concept was based on a confrontation with the monarchy and did not imply, at that particular time, a well-coordinated system of elections and multi-stage voting. In the 1780s, there were strict voting qualifications, which allowed only men over 25 years old, and this system was supported by many people, not only supporters of Louis XVI and the monarchy in general.

The separation of society and nation was controversial, but this issue was clarified by the end of the French Revolution. Jean-Jacques Rousseau and other thinkers have tended to see the nation as a profoundly political term 8 . Society cannot fight political enemies for the future and freedom. In a way, French people are the most rigid and not active, unlike the nation 9 . Thus, the French community has always existed and cohabited with Louis XVI and his extravagance. However, the French nation was able to rally and bring the king to trial and execution.

Society thus retains inequality and can be divided into estates and castes, like the Indian system. According to the convention of the Jacobin Club, the nation is based on people’s equality and the struggle for this equality 10 . It is the primary meaning of egalitarianism, including the radical one. Having defeated the enemy in a brutal, bloody battle, nations deserve equality on various principles, from origin to professional affiliation and education. The system of lords, who subordinated the peasants, was overcome through tough reforms against the backdrop of the revolution. This feudal-communal system with an unequal distribution of wealth, manual labor for low pay, and extortions became one of the foundations of the French crisis in the heyday of Louis XVI.

The theoreticians of the French Revolution and nationalism took in the education of the social masses, who were then the majority uneducated. Instead of social tension, in the 1780s, there was an atmosphere of general acceptance of each other for overthrowing the absolute monarchy 11 . Feeling deceived by Louis XVI and the nobility, it seemed to people that they could only rely on each other, even if many of them did not understand anything about politics. Thus, representative bodies were organized that people could trust. In the late 1780s, a change in feudal legislation began with an improvement in the position of the peasants.

The most significant change was the judicial reform of the same years because, under the absolute monarchy, the court (both the main and the small district courts) became utterly subject to the personal will of Louis XVI. The courts ceased to fulfill their direct duties and lost their practical meaning; therefore, the Estates General decided to change this system entirely 12 . Cruelty throughout all the years of the revolution only reinforced people’s confidence in each other and the correctness of the professed views. Thus, people who achieved civic consciousness against the backdrop of violent events turned French society into a politically engaged nation with their claims, desires, and plans for the future.

Nationalism during the French Revolution became a stronghold of social restructuring and civic consciousness. United against the enemy, the absolute monarchy, people, despite the lack of education, managed to believe in the ideals of the Enlightenment and take part in creating new authorities that they trusted. The developed nationalist ideology was based on the models of pedagogy, culture, and humanistic maturation and helped to solve the fundamental economic problems caused by the wasteful rule of Louis XVI.

Armstrong, John. Nations Before Nationalism . UNC Press Books, 2017.

Barron, Alexander et al. “Individuals, Institutions, and Innovation in the Debates of the French Revolution.” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 115.18 (2018): 4607-4612.

Carlyle, Thomas. The French Revolution . Oxford University Press, 2019.

Connely, Owen. The French Revolution and Napoleonic Era . Harcourt. 2000.

Greenfeld, Liah. Nationalism: A Short History . Brookings Institution Press, 2019.

• Rousseau, Jean-Jacques. The Social Contract . Independently published, 2020.
• Carlyle, Thomas. The French Revolution . Oxford University Press, 2019. 77.
• Greenfeld, Liah. Nationalism: A Short History . Brookings Institution Press, 2019, 54.
• Connely, Owen. The French Revolution and Napoleonic Era . Harcourt. 2000. 81-82.
• Rousseau, Jean-Jacques. The Social Contract . Independently published, 2020, 24-26.
• Rousseau, Jean-Jacques. The Social Contract . Independently published, 2020, 49.
• Armstrong, John. Nations Before Nationalism . UNC Press Books, 2017, 60-61.
• Connely, Owen. The French Revolution and Napoleonic Era . Harcourt. 2000, 100.
• Armstrong, John. Nations Before Nationalism . UNC Press Books, 2017. 111-112.
• Barron, Alexander et al. “Individuals, Institutions, and Innovation in the Debates of the French Revolution.” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 115.18 (2018): 4608.
• Philosophy and Society of Early Modern West
• Bildung Tradition and Kantian Philosophy
• Justice of Execution of R. Ludman & King Louis XVI
• French Revolution in World History
• "The Social Contract" by Jean-Jacques Rousseau
• The Parliamentary Reform of the Church of England in the 19th Century
• The Reformation Era of 1517-1648
• Nationalism in Austria, Germany and Italy
• The Roman Empire and the Roman Republic
• The Second Industrial Revolution in Europe Before 1914
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French Revolution

By: History.com Editors

Updated: October 12, 2023 | Original: November 9, 2009

The French Revolution was a watershed event in world history that began in 1789 and ended in the late 1790s with the ascent of Napoleon Bonaparte. During this period, French citizens radically altered their political landscape, uprooting centuries-old institutions such as the monarchy and the feudal system. The upheaval was caused by disgust with the French aristocracy and the economic policies of King Louis XVI, who met his death by guillotine, as did his wife Marie Antoinette. Though it degenerated into a bloodbath during the Reign of Terror, the French Revolution helped to shape modern democracies by showing the power inherent in the will of the people.

Causes of the French Revolution

As the 18th century drew to a close, France’s costly involvement in the American Revolution , combined with extravagant spending by King Louis XVI , had left France on the brink of bankruptcy.

Not only were the royal coffers depleted, but several years of poor harvests, drought, cattle disease and skyrocketing bread prices had kindled unrest among peasants and the urban poor. Many expressed their desperation and resentment toward a regime that imposed heavy taxes—yet failed to provide any relief—by rioting, looting and striking.

In the fall of 1786, Louis XVI’s controller general, Charles Alexandre de Calonne, proposed a financial reform package that included a universal land tax from which the aristocratic classes would no longer be exempt.

Estates General

To garner support for these measures and forestall a growing aristocratic revolt, the king summoned the Estates General ( les états généraux ) – an assembly representing France’s clergy, nobility and middle class – for the first time since 1614.

The meeting was scheduled for May 5, 1789; in the meantime, delegates of the three estates from each locality would compile lists of grievances ( cahiers de doléances ) to present to the king.

Rise of the Third Estate

France’s population, of course, had changed considerably since 1614. The non-aristocratic, middle-class members of the Third Estate now represented 98 percent of the people but could still be outvoted by the other two bodies.

In the lead-up to the May 5 meeting, the Third Estate began to mobilize support for equal representation and the abolishment of the noble veto—in other words, they wanted voting by head and not by status.

While all of the orders shared a common desire for fiscal and judicial reform as well as a more representative form of government, the nobles in particular were loath to give up the privileges they had long enjoyed under the traditional system.

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Tennis Court Oath

By the time the Estates General convened at Versailles , the highly public debate over its voting process had erupted into open hostility between the three orders, eclipsing the original purpose of the meeting and the authority of the man who had convened it — the king himself.

On June 17, with talks over procedure stalled, the Third Estate met alone and formally adopted the title of National Assembly; three days later, they met in a nearby indoor tennis court and took the so-called Tennis Court Oath (serment du jeu de paume), vowing not to disperse until constitutional reform had been achieved.

Within a week, most of the clerical deputies and 47 liberal nobles had joined them, and on June 27 Louis XVI grudgingly absorbed all three orders into the new National Assembly.

The Bastille 

On June 12, as the National Assembly (known as the National Constituent Assembly during its work on a constitution) continued to meet at Versailles, fear and violence consumed the capital.

Though enthusiastic about the recent breakdown of royal power, Parisians grew panicked as rumors of an impending military coup began to circulate. A popular insurgency culminated on July 14 when rioters stormed the Bastille fortress in an attempt to secure gunpowder and weapons; many consider this event, now commemorated in France as a national holiday, as the start of the French Revolution.

The wave of revolutionary fervor and widespread hysteria quickly swept the entire country. Revolting against years of exploitation, peasants looted and burned the homes of tax collectors, landlords and the aristocratic elite.

Known as the Great Fear ( la Grande peur ), the agrarian insurrection hastened the growing exodus of nobles from France and inspired the National Constituent Assembly to abolish feudalism on August 4, 1789, signing what historian Georges Lefebvre later called the “death certificate of the old order.”

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Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen

IIn late August, the Assembly adopted the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen ( Déclaration des droits de l ’homme et du citoyen ), a statement of democratic principles grounded in the philosophical and political ideas of Enlightenment thinkers like Jean-Jacques Rousseau .

The document proclaimed the Assembly’s commitment to replace the ancien régime with a system based on equal opportunity, freedom of speech, popular sovereignty and representative government.

Drafting a formal constitution proved much more of a challenge for the National Constituent Assembly, which had the added burden of functioning as a legislature during harsh economic times.

For months, its members wrestled with fundamental questions about the shape and expanse of France’s new political landscape. For instance, who would be responsible for electing delegates? Would the clergy owe allegiance to the Roman Catholic Church or the French government? Perhaps most importantly, how much authority would the king, his public image further weakened after a failed attempt to flee the country in June 1791, retain?

Adopted on September 3, 1791, France’s first written constitution echoed the more moderate voices in the Assembly, establishing a constitutional monarchy in which the king enjoyed royal veto power and the ability to appoint ministers. This compromise did not sit well with influential radicals like Maximilien de Robespierre , Camille Desmoulins and Georges Danton, who began drumming up popular support for a more republican form of government and for the trial of Louis XVI.

French Revolution Turns Radical

In April 1792, the newly elected Legislative Assembly declared war on Austria and Prussia, where it believed that French émigrés were building counterrevolutionary alliances; it also hoped to spread its revolutionary ideals across Europe through warfare.

On the domestic front, meanwhile, the political crisis took a radical turn when a group of insurgents led by the extremist Jacobins attacked the royal residence in Paris and arrested the king on August 10, 1792.

The following month, amid a wave of violence in which Parisian insurrectionists massacred hundreds of accused counterrevolutionaries, the Legislative Assembly was replaced by the National Convention, which proclaimed the abolition of the monarchy and the establishment of the French republic.

On January 21, 1793, it sent King Louis XVI, condemned to death for high treason and crimes against the state, to the guillotine ; his wife Marie-Antoinette suffered the same fate nine months later.

Reign of Terror

Following the king’s execution, war with various European powers and intense divisions within the National Convention brought the French Revolution to its most violent and turbulent phase.

In June 1793, the Jacobins seized control of the National Convention from the more moderate Girondins and instituted a series of radical measures, including the establishment of a new calendar and the eradication of Christianity .

They also unleashed the bloody Reign of Terror (la Terreur), a 10-month period in which suspected enemies of the revolution were guillotined by the thousands. Many of the killings were carried out under orders from Robespierre, who dominated the draconian Committee of Public Safety until his own execution on July 28, 1794.

Did you know? Over 17,000 people were officially tried and executed during the Reign of Terror, and an unknown number of others died in prison or without trial.

Thermidorian Reaction

The death of Robespierre marked the beginning of the Thermidorian Reaction, a moderate phase in which the French people revolted against the Reign of Terror’s excesses.

On August 22, 1795, the National Convention, composed largely of Girondins who had survived the Reign of Terror, approved a new constitution that created France’s first bicameral legislature.

Executive power would lie in the hands of a five-member Directory ( Directoire ) appointed by parliament. Royalists and Jacobins protested the new regime but were swiftly silenced by the army, now led by a young and successful general named Napoleon Bonaparte .

French Revolution Ends: Napoleon’s Rise

The Directory’s four years in power were riddled with financial crises, popular discontent, inefficiency and, above all, political corruption. By the late 1790s, the directors relied almost entirely on the military to maintain their authority and had ceded much of their power to the generals in the field.

On November 9, 1799, as frustration with their leadership reached a fever pitch, Napoleon Bonaparte staged a coup d’état, abolishing the Directory and appointing himself France’s “ first consul .” The event marked the end of the French Revolution and the beginning of the Napoleonic era, during which France would come to dominate much of continental Europe.

Photo Gallery 

French Revolution. The National Archives (U.K.) The United States and the French Revolution, 1789–1799. Office of the Historian. U.S. Department of State . Versailles, from the French Revolution to the Interwar Period. Chateau de Versailles . French Revolution. Monticello.org . Individuals, institutions, and innovation in the debates of the French Revolution. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences . 

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French Revolution: History, Timeline, Causes, and Outcomes

The French Revolution, a seismic event that reshaped the contours of political power and societal norms, began in 1789, not merely as a chapter in history but as a dramatic upheaval that would influence the course of human events far beyond its own time and borders.

It was more than a clash of ideologies; it was a profound transformation that questioned the very foundations of monarchical rule and aristocratic privilege, leading to the rise of republicanism and the concept of citizenship.

The causes of this revolution were as complex as its outcomes were far-reaching, stemming from a confluence of economic strife, social inequalities, and a hunger for political reform.

The outcomes of the French Revolution, embedded in the realms of political thought, civil rights, and societal structures, continue to resonate, offering invaluable insights into the power and potential of collective action for change.

Table of Contents

Time and Location

The French Revolution, a cornerstone event in the annals of history, ignited in 1789, a time when Europe was dominated by monarchical rule and the vestiges of feudalism. This epochal period, which spanned a decade until the late 1790s, witnessed profound social, political, and economic transformations that not only reshaped France but also sent shockwaves across the continent and beyond.

Paris, the heart of France, served as the epicenter of revolutionary activity , where iconic events such as the storming of the Bastille became symbols of the struggle for freedom. Yet, the revolution was not confined to the city’s limits; its influence permeated through every corner of France, from bustling urban centers to serene rural areas, each witnessing the unfolding drama of revolution in unique ways.

The revolution consisted of many complex factions, each representing a distinct set of interests and ideologies. Initially, the conflict arose between the Third Estate, which included a diverse group from peasants and urban laborers to the bourgeoisie, and the First and Second Estates, made up of the clergy and the nobility, respectively.

The Third Estate sought to dismantle the archaic social structure that relegated them to the burden of taxation while denying them political representation and rights. Their demands for reform and equality found resonance across a society strained by economic distress and the autocratic rule of the monarchy.

As the revolution evolved, so too did the nature of the conflict. The initial unity within the Third Estate fractured, giving rise to factions such as the Jacobins and Girondins, who, despite sharing a common revolutionary zeal, diverged sharply in their visions for France’s future.

The Jacobins , with figures like Maximilien Robespierre at the helm, advocated for radical measures, including the abolition of the monarchy and the establishment of a republic, while the Girondins favored a more moderate approach.

The sans-culottes , representing the militant working-class Parisians, further complicated the revolutionary landscape with their demands for immediate economic relief and political reforms.

The revolution’s adversaries were not limited to internal factions; monarchies throughout Europe viewed the republic with suspicion and hostility. Fearing the spread of revolutionary fervor within their own borders, European powers such as Austria, Prussia, and Britain engaged in military confrontations with France, aiming to restore the French monarchy and stem the tide of revolution.

These external threats intensified the internal strife, fueling the revolution’s radical phase and propelling it towards its eventual conclusion with the rise of Napoleon Bonaparte, who capitalized on the chaos to establish his own rule.

READ MORE: How Did Napoleon Die: Stomach Cancer, Poison, or Something Else?

Causes of the French Revolution

The French Revolution’s roots are deeply embedded in a confluence of political, social, economic, and intellectual factors that, over time, eroded the foundations of the Ancien Régime and set the stage for revolutionary change.

At the heart of the revolution were grievances that transcended class boundaries, uniting much of the nation in a quest for profound transformation.

Economic Hardship and Social Inequality

A critical catalyst for the revolution was France’s dire economic condition. Fiscal mismanagement, costly involvement in foreign wars (notably the American Revolutionary War), and an antiquated tax system placed an unbearable strain on the populace, particularly the Third Estate, which bore the brunt of taxation while being denied equitable representation.

Simultaneously, extravagant spending by Louis XVI and his predecessors further drained the national treasury, exacerbating the financial crisis.

The social structure of France, rigidly divided into three estates, underscored profound inequalities. The First (clergy) and Second (nobility) Estates enjoyed significant privileges, including exemption from many taxes, which contrasted starkly with the hardships faced by the Third Estate, comprising peasants , urban workers, and a rising bourgeoisie.

This disparity fueled resentment and a growing demand for social and economic justice.

Enlightenment Ideals

The Enlightenment , a powerful intellectual movement sweeping through Europe, profoundly influenced the revolutionary spirit. Philosophers such as Voltaire, Rousseau, and Montesquieu criticized traditional structures of power and authority, advocating for principles of liberty, equality, and fraternity.

Their writings inspired a new way of thinking about governance, society, and the rights of individuals, sowing the seeds of revolution among a populace eager for change.

Political Crisis and the Estates-General

The immediate catalyst for the French Revolution was deeply rooted in a political crisis, underscored by the French monarchy’s chronic financial woes. King Louis XVI, facing dire fiscal insolvency, sought to break the deadlock through the convocation of the Estates-General in 1789, marking the first assembly of its kind since 1614.

This critical move, intended to garner support for financial reforms, unwittingly set the stage for widespread political upheaval. It provided the Third Estate, representing the common people of France, with an unprecedented opportunity to voice their longstanding grievances and demand a more significant share of political authority.

The Third Estate, comprising a vast majority of the population but long marginalized in the political framework of the Ancien Régime, seized this moment to assert its power. Their transformation into the National Assembly was a monumental shift, symbolizing a rejection of the existing social and political order.

The catalyst for this transformation was their exclusion from the Estates-General meeting, leading them to gather in a nearby tennis court. There, they took the historic Tennis Court Oath, vowing not to disperse until France had a new constitution.

This act of defiance was not just a political statement but a clear indication of the revolutionaries’ resolve to overhaul French society.

Amidst this burgeoning crisis, the personal life of Marie Antoinette , Louis XVI’s queen, became a focal point of public scrutiny and scandal. 

Married to Louis at the tender age of fourteen, Marie Antoinette, the youngest daughter of Holy Roman Emperor Francis I, was known for her lavish lifestyle and the preferential treatment she accorded her friends and relatives.

READ MORE: Roman Emperors in Order: The Complete List from Caesar to the Fall of Rome

Her disregard for traditional court fashion and etiquette, along with her perceived extravagance, made her an easy target for public criticism and ridicule. Popular songs in Parisian cafés and a flourishing genre of pornographic literature vilified the queen, accusing her of infidelity, corruption, and disloyalty.

Such depictions, whether grounded in truth or fabricated, fueled the growing discontent among the populace, further complicating the already tense political atmosphere.

The intertwining of personal scandals with the broader political crisis highlighted the deep-seated issues within the French monarchy and aristocracy, contributing to the revolutionary fervor.

As the political crisis deepened, the actions of the Third Estate and the controversies surrounding Marie Antoinette exemplified the widespread desire for change and the rejection of the Ancient Régime’s corruption and excesses.

Key Concepts, Events, and People of the French Revolution

As the Estates General convened in 1789, little did the world know that this gathering would mark the beginning of a revolution that would forever alter the course of history.

Through the rise and fall of factions, the clash of ideologies, and the leadership of remarkable individuals, this era reshaped not only France but also set a precedent for future generations.

From the storming of the Bastille to the establishment of the Directory, each event and figure played a crucial role in crafting a new vision of governance and social equality.

Estates General

When the Estates General was summoned in May 1789, it marked the beginning of a series of events that would catalyze the French Revolution. Initially intended as a means for King Louis XVI to address the financial crisis by securing support for tax reforms, the assembly instead became a flashpoint for broader grievances.

Representing the three estates of French society—the clergy, the nobility, and the commoners—the Estates General highlighted the profound disparities and simmering tensions between these groups.

The Third Estate, comprising 98% of the population but traditionally having the least power, seized the moment to push for more significant reforms, challenging the very foundations of the Ancient Régime.

The deadlock over voting procedures—where the Third Estate demanded votes be counted by head rather than by estate—led to its members declaring themselves the National Assembly, an act of defiance that effectively inaugurated the revolution.

This bold step, coupled with the subsequent Tennis Court Oath where they vowed not to disperse until a new constitution was created, underscored a fundamental shift in authority from the monarchy to the people, setting a precedent for popular sovereignty that would resonate throughout the revolution.

Rise of the Third Estate

The Rise of the Third Estate underscores the growing power and assertiveness of the common people of France. Fueled by economic hardship, social inequality, and inspired by Enlightenment ideals, this diverse group—encompassing peasants, urban workers, and the bourgeoisie—began to challenge the existing social and political order.

Their transformation from a marginalized majority into the National Assembly marked a radical departure from traditional power structures, asserting their role as legitimate representatives of the French people. This period was characterized by significant political mobilization and the formation of popular societies and clubs, which played a crucial role in spreading revolutionary ideas and organizing action.

This newfound empowerment of the Third Estate culminated in key revolutionary acts, such as the storming of the Bastille in July 1789, a symbol of royal tyranny. This event not only demonstrated the power of popular action but also signaled the irreversible nature of the revolutionary movement.

The rise of the Third Estate paved the way for the abolition of feudal privileges and the drafting of the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen , foundational texts that sought to establish a new social and political order based on equality, liberty, and fraternity.

A People’s Monarchy

The concept of a People’s Monarchy emerged as a compromise in the early stages of the French Revolution, reflecting the initial desire among many revolutionaries to retain the monarchy within a constitutional framework.

This period was marked by King Louis XVI’s grudging acceptance of the National Assembly’s authority and the enactment of significant reforms, including the Civil Constitution of the Clergy and the Constitution of 1791, which established a limited monarchy and sought to redistribute power more equitably.

However, this attempt to balance revolutionary demands with monarchical tradition was fraught with difficulties, as mutual distrust between the king and the revolutionaries continued to escalate.

The failure of the People’s Monarchy was precipitated by the Flight to Varennes in June 1791, when Louis XVI attempted to escape France and rally foreign support for the restoration of his absolute power.

This act of betrayal eroded any remaining support for the monarchy among the populace and the Assembly, leading to increased calls for the establishment of a republic.

The people’s experiment with a constitutional monarchy thus served to highlight the irreconcilable differences between the revolutionary ideals of liberty and equality and the traditional monarchical order, setting the stage for the republic’s proclamation.

Birth of a Republic

The proclamation of the First French Republic in September 1792 represented a radical departure from centuries of monarchical rule, embodying the revolutionary ideals of liberty, equality, and fraternity.

This transition was catalyzed by escalating political tensions, military challenges, and the radicalization of the revolution, particularly after the king’s failed flight and perceived betrayal.

The Republic’s birth was a moment of immense optimism and aspiration, as it promised to reshape French society on the principles of democratic governance and civic equality. It also marked the beginning of a new calendar, symbolic of the revolutionaries’ desire to break completely with the past and start anew.

However, the early years of the Republic were marked by significant challenges, including internal divisions, economic struggles, and threats from monarchist powers in Europe.

These pressures necessitated the establishment of the Committee of Public Safety and the Reign of Terror, measures aimed at defending the revolution but which also led to extreme political repression.

Reign of Terror

The Reign of Terror, from September 1793 to July 1794, remains one of the most controversial and bloodiest periods of the French Revolution. Under the auspices of the Committee of Public Safety, led by figures such as Maximilien Robespierre, the French government adopted radical measures to purge the nation of perceived enemies of the revolution.

This period saw the widespread use of the guillotine , with thousands executed on charges of counter-revolutionary activities or mere suspicion of disloyalty. The Terror aimed to consolidate revolutionary gains and protect the nascent Republic from internal and external threats, but its legacy is marred by the extremity of its actions and the climate of fear it engendered.

The end of the Terror came with the Thermidorian Reaction on 27th July 1794 (9th Thermidor Year II, according to the revolutionary calendar), which resulted in the arrest and execution of Robespierre and his closest allies.

This marked a significant turning point, leading to the dismantling of the Committee of Public Safety and the gradual relaxation of emergency measures. The aftermath of the Terror reflected a society grappling with the consequences of its radical actions, seeking stability after years of upheaval but still committed to the revolutionary ideals of liberty and equality .

Thermidorians and the Directory

Following the Thermidorian Reaction , the political landscape of France underwent significant changes, leading to the establishment of the Directory in November 1795.

This new government, a five-member executive body, was intended to provide stability and moderate the excesses of the previous radical phase. The Directory period was characterized by a mix of conservative and revolutionary policies, aimed at consolidating the Republic and addressing the economic and social issues that had fueled the revolution.

Despite its efforts to navigate the challenges of governance, the Directory faced significant opposition from royalists on the right and Jacobins on the left, leading to a period of political instability and corruption.

The Directory’s inability to resolve these tensions and its growing unpopularity set the stage for its downfall. The coup of 18 Brumaire in November 1799, led by Napoleon Bonaparte, ended the Directory and established the Consulate, marking the end of the revolutionary government and the beginning of Napoleonic rule.

While the Directory failed to achieve lasting stability, it played a crucial role in the transition from radical revolution to the establishment of a more authoritarian regime, highlighting the complexities of revolutionary governance and the challenges of fulfilling the ideals of 1789.

French Revolution End and Outcome: Napoleon’s Rise

The revolution’s end is often marked by Napoleon’s coup d’état on 18 Brumaire , which not only concluded a decade of political instability and social unrest but also ushered in a new era of governance under his rule.

This period, while stabilizing France and bringing much-needed order, seemed to contradict the revolution’s initial aims of establishing a democratic republic grounded in the principles of liberty, equality, and fraternity.

Napoleon’s rise to power, culminating in his coronation as Emperor, symbolizes a complex conclusion to the revolutionary narrative, intertwining the fulfillment and betrayal of its foundational ideals.

Evaluating the revolution’s success requires a nuanced perspective. On one hand, it dismantled the Ancien Régime, abolished feudalism, and set forth the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen, laying the cornerstone for modern democracy and human rights. 

These achievements signify profound societal and legal transformations that resonated well beyond France’s borders, influencing subsequent movements for freedom and equality globally.

On the other hand, the revolution’s trajectory through the Reign of Terror and the subsequent rise of a military dictatorship under Napoleon raises questions about the cost of these advances and the ultimate realization of the revolution’s goals.

The French Revolution’s conclusion with Napoleon Bonaparte’s ascension to power is emblematic of its complex legacy. This period not only marked the cessation of years of turmoil but also initiated a new chapter in French governance, characterized by stability and reform yet marked by a departure from the revolution’s original democratic aspirations.

The Significance of the French Revolution

The French Revolution holds a place of prominence in the annals of history, celebrated for its profound impact on the course of modern civilization. Its fame stems not only from the dramatic events and transformative ideas it unleashed but also from its enduring influence on political thought, social reform, and the global struggle for justice and equality.

This period of intense upheaval and radical change challenged the very foundations of society, dismantling centuries-old institutions and laying the groundwork for a new era defined by the principles of liberty, equality, and fraternity.

At its core, the French Revolution was a manifestation of human aspiration towards freedom and self-determination, a vivid illustration of the power of collective action to reshape the world. It introduced revolutionary concepts of citizenship and rights that have since become the bedrock of democratic societies.

Moreover, the revolution’s ripple effects were felt worldwide, inspiring a wave of independence movements and revolutions across Europe, Latin America, and beyond. Its legacy is a testament to the idea that people have the power to overthrow oppressive systems and construct a more equitable society.

The revolution’s significance also lies in its contributions to political and social thought. It was a living laboratory for ideas that were radical at the time, such as the separation of church and state, the abolition of feudal privileges, and the establishment of a constitution to govern the rights and duties of the French citizens.

These concepts, debated and implemented with varying degrees of success during the revolution, have become fundamental to modern governance.

Furthermore, the French Revolution is famous for its dramatic and symbolic events, from the storming of the Bastille to the Reign of Terror, which have etched themselves into the collective memory of humanity.

These events highlight the complexities and contradictions of the revolutionary process, underscoring the challenges inherent in profound societal transformation.

Key Figures of the French Revolution

The French Revolutions were painted by the actions and ideologies of several key figures whose contributions defined the era. These individuals, with their diverse roles and perspectives, were central in navigating the revolution’s trajectory, capturing the complexities and contradictions of this tumultuous period.

Maximilien Robespierre , often synonymous with the Reign of Terror, was a figure of paradoxes. A lawyer and politician, his early advocacy for the rights of the common people and opposition to absolute monarchy marked him as a champion of liberty.

However, as a leader of the Committee of Public Safety, his name became associated with the radical phase of the revolution, characterized by extreme measures in the name of safeguarding the republic. His eventual downfall and execution reflect the revolution’s capacity for self-consumption.

Georges Danton , another prominent revolutionary leader, played a crucial role in the early stages of the revolution. Known for his oratory skills and charismatic leadership, Danton was instrumental in the overthrow of the monarchy and the establishment of the First French Republic.

Unlike Robespierre, Danton is often remembered for his pragmatism and efforts to moderate the revolution’s excesses, which ultimately led to his execution during the Reign of Terror, highlighting the volatile nature of revolutionary politics.

Louis XVI, the king at the revolution’s outbreak, represents the Ancient Régime’s complexities and the challenges of monarchical rule in a time of profound societal change.

His inability to effectively manage France’s financial crisis and his hesitancy to embrace substantial reforms contributed to the revolutionary fervor. His execution in 1793 symbolized the revolution’s radical break from monarchical tradition and the birth of the republic.

Marie Antoinette, the queen consort of Louis XVI, became a symbol of the monarchy’s extravagance and disconnect from the common people. Her fate, like that of her husband, underscores the revolution’s rejection of the old order and the desire for a new societal structure based on equality and merit rather than birthright.

Jean-Paul Marat , a journalist and politician, used his publication, L’Ami du Peuple, to advocate for the rights of the lower classes and to call for radical measures against the revolution’s enemies.

His assassination by Charlotte Corday, a Girondin sympathizer, in 1793 became one of the revolution’s most famous episodes, illustrating the deep divisions within revolutionary France.

Finally, Napoleon Bonaparte, though not a leader during the revolution’s peak, emerged from its aftermath to shape France’s future. A military genius, Napoleon used the opportunities presented by the revolution’s chaos to rise to power, eventually declaring himself Emperor of the French.

His reign would consolidate many of the revolution’s reforms while curtailing its democratic aspirations, embodying the complexities of the revolution’s legacy.

These key figures, among others, played significant roles in the unfolding of the French Revolution. Their contributions, whether for the cause of liberty, the maintenance of order, or the pursuit of personal power, highlight the multifaceted nature of the revolution and its enduring impact on history.

References:

(1) Schama, Simon. Citizens: a Chronicle of the French Revolution. New York, Random House, 1990, pp. 119-221.

(2) Doyle, William. Oxford History of the French Revolution. Oxford University Press, 1989, pp. 11-12

(3) Hobsbawm, Eric. The Age of Revolution. Vintage Books, 1996, pp. 56-57.

(4) Doyle, William. Oxford History of the French Revolution. Oxford University Press, 1989, pp. 24-25

(5) Lewis, Gwynne. The French Revolution: Rethinking the Debate. Routledge, 2016, pp. 12-14.

(6) Doyle, William. Oxford History of the French Revolution. Oxford University Press, 1989, pp. 14-25

(7) Doyle, William. Oxford History of the French Revolution. Oxford University Press, 1989, pp. 63-65.

(8) Schama, Simon. Citizens: a Chronicle of the French Revolution. New York, Random House, 1990, pp. 242-244.

(9) Doyle, William. Oxford History of the French Revolution. Oxford University Press, 1989, pp. 74.

(10) Doyle, William. Oxford History of the French Revolution. Oxford University Press, 1989, pp. 82 – 84.

(11) Lewis, Gwynne. The French Revolution: Rethinking the Debate. Routledge, 2016, p. 20.

(12) Hampson, Norman. A Social History of the French Revolution. University of Toronto Press, 1968, pp. 60-61.

(13) https://pages.uoregon.edu/dluebke/301ModernEurope/Sieyes3dEstate.pdf (14) Doyle, William. Oxford History of the French Revolution. Oxford University Press, 1989, pp. 104-105.

(15) French Revolution. “A Citizen Recalls the Taking of the Bastille (1789),” January 11, 2013. https://alphahistory.com/frenchrevolution/humbert-taking-of-the-bastille-1789/.

(16) Hampson, Norman. A Social History of the French Revolution. University of Toronto Press, 1968, pp. 74-75.

(17) Hazan, Eric. A People’s History of the French Revolution, Verso, 2014, pp. 36-37.

(18) Lefebvre, Georges. The French Revolution: From its origins to 1793. Routledge, 1957, pp. 121-122.

(19) Schama, Simon. Citizens: A Chronicle of the French Revolution. Random House, 1989, pp. 428-430.

(20) Hampson, Norman. A Social History of the French Revolution. University of Toronto Press, 1968, p. 80.

(21) Doyle, William. Oxford History of the French Revolution. Oxford University Press, 1989, pp. 116-117.

(22) Fitzsimmons, Michael “The Principles of 1789” in McPhee, Peter, editor. A Companion to the French Revolution. Blackwell, 2013, pp. 75-88.

(23) Hazan, Eric. A People’s History of the French Revolution, Verso, 2014, pp. 68-81.

(24) Hazan, Eric. A People’s History of the French Revolution, Verso, 2014, pp. 45-46.

(25) Schama, Simon. Citizens: A Chronicle of the French Revolution. Random House, 1989,.pp. 460-466.

(26) Schama, Simon. Citizens: A Chronicle of the French Revolution. Random House, 1989, pp. 524-525.

(27) Hazan, Eric. A People’s History of the French Revolution, Verso, 2014, pp. 47-48.

(28) Hazan, Eric. A People’s History of the French Revolution, Verso, 2014, pp. 51.

(29) Doyle, William. Oxford History of the French Revolution. Oxford University Press, 1989, pp. 128.

(30) Lewis, Gwynne. The French Revolution: Rethinking the Debate. Routledge, 2016, pp. 30 -31.

(31) Hazan, Eric. A People’s History of the French Revolution, Verso, 2014, pp.. 53 -62.

(32) Doyle, William. Oxford History of the French Revolution. Oxford University Press, 1989, pp. 129-130.

(33) Hazan, Eric. A People’s History of the French Revolution, Verso, 2014, pp. 62-63.

(34) Doyle, William. Oxford History of the French Revolution. Oxford University Press, 1989, pp. 156-157, 171-173.

(35) Hazan, Eric. A People’s History of the French Revolution, Verso, 2014, pp. 65-66.

(36) Schama, Simon. Citizens: A Chronicle of the French Revolution. Random House, 1989, pp. 543-544.

(37) Doyle, William. Oxford History of the French Revolution. Oxford University Press, 1989, pp. 179-180.

(38) Doyle, William. Oxford History of the French Revolution. Oxford University Press, 1989, pp. 184-185.

(39) Hampson, Norman. Social History of the French Revolution. Routledge, 1963, pp. 148-149.

(40) Doyle, William. Oxford History of the French Revolution. Oxford University Press, 1989, pp. 191-192.

(41) Lefebvre, Georges. The French Revolution: From Its Origins to 1793. Routledge, 1962, pp. 252-254.

(42) Hazan, Eric. A People’s History of the French Revolution, Verso, 2014, pp. 88-89.

(43) Schama, Simon. Citizens: a Chronicle of the French Revolution. Random House, 1990, pp. 576-79.

(44) Schama, Simon. Citizens: a Chronicle of the French Revolution. New York, Random House, 1990, pp. 649-51

(45) Doyle, William. Oxford History of the French Revolution. Oxford University Press, 1989, pp. 242-243.

(46) Connor, Clifford. Marat: The Tribune of the French Revolution. Pluto Press, 2012.

(47) Schama, Simon. Citizens: A Chronicle of the French Revolution. Random House, 1989, pp. 722-724.

(48) Doyle, William. Oxford History of the French Revolution. Oxford University Press, 1989, pp. 246-47.

(49) Hampson, Norman. A Social History of the French Revolution. University of Toronto Press, 1968, pp. 209-210.

(50) Hobsbawm, Eric. The Age of Revolution. Vintage Books, 1996, pp 68-70.

(51) Doyle, William. Oxford History of the French Revolution. Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1989, pp. 205-206

(52) Schama, Simon. Citizens: a Chronicle of the French Revolution. New York, Random House, 1990, 784-86.

(53) Doyle, William. Oxford History of the French Revolution. Oxford University Press, 1989, pp. 262.

(54) Schama, Simon. Citizens: a Chronicle of the French Revolution. New York, Random House, 1990, pp. 619-22.

(55) Doyle, William. Oxford History of the French Revolution. Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1989, pp. 269-70.

(56) Doyle, William. Oxford History of the French Revolution. Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1989, p. 276.

(57) Robespierre on Virtue and Terror (1794). https://alphahistory.com/frenchrevolution/robespierre-virtue-terror-1794/. Accessed 19 May 2020.

(58) Doyle, William. Oxford History of the French Revolution. Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1989, pp. 290-91.

(59) Doyle, William. Oxford History of the French Revolution. Oxford University Press, 1989, pp. 293-95.

(60) Lewis, Gwynne. The French Revolution: Rethinking the Debate. Routledge, 2016, pp. 49-51.

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World History Project - Origins to the Present

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Napoleon Bonaparte During the Early French Revolution (1789-1794)

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Of all the careers that soared to meteoric heights during the chaotic decade of the French Revolution (1789-1799), none was more spectacular nor impactful than that of Napoleon Bonaparte (1769-1821). From an unremarkable birth into minor Corsican nobility, Napoleon would find in the Revolution a path to fame, military success, and ultimately, to his role as Emperor of the French.

A quick glance at his career would be enough to show how intertwined his fate would become with the Revolution. His promising performance at the Siege of Toulon in 1793 would lead to his brilliant command of the Army of Italy , which in turn would help provide him with enough popularity and influence to seize control of the government in the Coup of 18 Brumaire , the event which many scholars consider to be the end of the Revolution. To understand this version of Napoleon, it is necessary to look at the person he was at the start of the Revolution; hardly the picture of a dashing military commander or French patriot, the Napoleon of 1789 was a thin, awkward man who did not yet even consider himself French.

Indeed, in 1789, 20-year-old Napoleon was in something of an identity crisis, looking to reconcile his ambitions of literary fame with his education as a soldier, his devotion to French revolutionary ideals with his Corsican nationalism. The early Revolution was undoubtedly a time of personal development for the young artillery lieutenant, the outcome of which would not only affect his own future but also the fate of all of Europe .

The Corsican

In 1768, the year before Napoleon's birth, the Kingdom of France purchased Corsica from the Republic of Genoa, which had distantly ruled it for the previous few centuries. Although nominally under Genoese control, the Corsicans had been used to effectively ruling themselves. They had recently claimed independence, declaring the Corsican Republic in 1755, but such aspirations to self-rule would come to an end with the arrival of the French. In Napoleon's own words, he was born "as the fatherland was dying. Thirty thousand Frenchmen, vomited upon our coasts, drowning the seat of liberty in torrents of blood" (Bell, 18).

There was resistance, of course. Led by Pasquale Paoli (1725-1807), the Corsicans were initially successful at beating back the French Expeditionary Force that landed on their shores in 1768. However, this success would not last, as the French had the advantage in manpower and supplies; the French victory at the Battle of Ponte Novu in 1769 destroyed the Corsican will to fight. Although sporadic guerilla warfare continued, Paoli fled to Britain , and Corsica was annexed by France.

Although this defeat was lamented by many Corsicans, some were able to take advantage of this regime change. Napoleon's father, Carlo Buonaparte, was one of them. A former ally of Paoli, Carlo chose to abandon the patriotic cause to ensure a future for his family. His gamble paid off, as Carlo's devotion to the new government allowed him to secure minor nobility status for his family under French law , which in turn allowed him to send his oldest sons to receive education in French royal academies. Because of his father's change in loyalties, ten-year-old Napoleon was educated at the military academy of Brienne in northern France, where he learned French and excelled in mathematics. Paoli, however, would not forget nor forgive Carlo's apparent betrayal.

Despite reaping the benefits of French occupation, teenaged Napoleon remained a staunch Corsican nationalist. He idolized the exiled Paoli as a freedom fighter and clung to dreams of an independent Corsica. Such a demeanor, along with his strange accent and difficult-to-pronounce name (recorded in the school registry as Neapoleonne Buonaparte), quickly alienated Napoleon from his French classmates. Much of his time was spent alone, and he would soon develop a “thoughtful and gloomy” nature, according to his headmaster (Roberts, 11). Lacking companions, Napoleon would find company amongst his books. He adored poetry and history, although he also took an interest in the Enlightenment philosophers, who were so popular at the time. He became especially fond of Jean-Jacques Rousseau , perhaps because of Rousseau's own support of the Corsican plight. Napoleon adopted many of Rousseau's ideas, which would soon become the same ideas that fueled the Revolution.

In 1786, the year after he graduated from the prestigious Ecole Militaire as an artillery lieutenant, 16-year-old Napoleon embarked on something of a literary career. An exceptionally ambitious young man, it did not seem likely that he, as a Corsican-born man of minor nobility, would amount to much in the French army. To compensate, Napoleon sought literary glory instead. Over the next ten years, he would write over 60 essays, novellas, and letters. His first known essay, written on 26 April 1786, argued that Corsica had an undeniable right to resist the French, while a follow-up essay entitled On Suicide was an interesting mixture of nationalistic pride and teenaged angst:

My fellow countrymen are weighed down with chains, while they kiss with fear the hand that oppresses them…you Frenchmen, not content with having robbed us of everything we hold dear, have also corrupted our character. A good patriot ought to die when his fatherland has ceased to exist. (Roberts, 22)

Although borderline treasonous, especially for an enlisted officer in the French army, Napoleon continued espousing his nationalism in his writings over the next few years. He spent months, on and off, writing a comprehensive history of Corsica, in which he compared his countrymen to the virtuous ancient Romans, while also penning a novella entitled New Corsica , which was, in the words of biographer Andrew Roberts, little better than a graphic "Francophobic revenge fantasy" (Roberts, 31). He would find little publication luck, and for a time, it appeared the young artillery lieutenant may be doomed to literary as well as military obscurity.

Then, in 1789, the course of history shifted. The Estates-General of 1789 declared themselves a National Assembly, wresting authority from the king. In July, the commoners took matters into their own hands with the Storming of the Bastille . The French Revolution had begun.

The Revolutionary

Despite his obligations as a French officer, Napoleon welcomed the Revolution, viewing it as a manifestation of the Enlightenment ideals he had come to believe in, a triumph of logic and reason. Still, he did his soldierly duty and helped disperse a riot in Auxonne eight days after the Bastille fell, arresting 33 people. In August, he received permission to return to Corsica on sick leave. Back in the Corsican capital of Ajaccio, Napoleon was reunited with his brothers, Joseph and Lucien, the latter of whom was already a staunch supporter of radical revolutionary politics at the age of 14. The Bonapartes became outspoken revolutionary supporters in Ajaccio, sporting the tricolor cockade in their hats and signing their letters with the obligatory "citizen".

In early 1790, the Bonapartes would be endeared even closer to the revolutionary cause when the National Assembly proclaimed Corsica to officially be a department of France. Subject to French laws, Corsicans would now reap the benefits of citizenship, and to make matters even better, the Assembly declared that Corsica would henceforth be governed solely by Corsicans. At the same time, they invited Paoli to return from his 22-year exile. Napoleon was ecstatic, as evidenced by the huge banner that hung from Casa Bonaparte, which read " Vive la Nation! Vive Paoli! " (Roberts, 33).

Not every Corsican was thrilled with these developments, however, with no one less happy than Napoleon's hero Pasquale Paoli himself. The aged freedom fighter saw in the Assembly's decree nothing but an attempt by Paris to further impose its will on the island. He saw in the Bonaparte brothers nothing but the children of a French collaborator. Carlo Buonaparte may have been dead, but by the way his children were celebrating the Paris government, Paoli considered them no better. He refused to support Joseph Bonaparte's campaign for deputy to the Corsican assembly, and he was further offended by a pamphlet written by Napoleon, which derided many of the returned Corsican exiles for their preference for a constitution in the style of Great Britain rather than for the constitution currently being developed by the Assembly. Because of this pamphlet, Paoli passive-aggressively refused Napoleon's request to write the dedication for his history of Corsica and even refused to read the manuscript, using the excuse that "history should not be written in youth" (Roberts, 34). Napoleon's dreams of literary success were again frustrated, this time by his childhood hero.

After briefly returning to duty in France, Napoleon came back to Corsica in early 1792 to stand for election as a lieutenant colonel in the Corsican National Guard. It was a dirty and dramatic election, filled with bribes and even the temporary kidnappings of election officials. Paoli supported Napoleon's opponent, but Napoleon had the support of Antoine-Christoph Saliceti, who represented the National Convention on Corsica (the Convention having succeeded the National Assembly as France's governing body). With the support of Paris, Napoleon won the election and the lieutenant colonelcy.

Not long after Napoleon won his post, Saliceti gave the order for all monasteries and convents in Ajaccio to be stripped, the proceeds to be shipped to fund the treasury of the central government in Paris. This was met with outrage by the Catholic citizens of Ajaccio, who rioted on Easter Sunday 1792. It fell to Napoleon to suppress the revolt. The bloody struggle would last four days, in which one of Napoleon's lieutenants was even shot dead at his side. During the confusion, Napoleon apparently tried unsuccessfully to capture the town's fortified citadel, which was garrisoned by French regular troops. Paoli, seeing an opportunity to rid himself of the troublesome colonel, wrote to the war ministry in Paris, accusing Napoleon of treason. Fortunately for Napoleon, nothing ever came of the matter, as the war ministry had other things to worry about; on 20 April 1792, France declared war on Austria and Prussia and invaded the Austrian Netherlands.

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The Jacobin

Napoleon could not stay in Ajaccio following the Easter Sunday debacle, so he returned to Paris, hoping to resume his commission in the army. He was in the city during the Demonstration of 20 June 1792 , when a Parisian mob stormed the Tuileries Palace , accosted King Louis XVI of France and Queen Marie Antoinette , and forced the king to wear the red cap of liberty atop the palace balcony. Although he had no respect for the monarchy, Napoleon hated mobs and wondered why the king and his guards had allowed the mob to humiliate them without a fight. According to his friend Bourrienne, Napoleon apparently remarked, "What madness! How could they allow that rabble to enter? Why do they not sweep away four or five hundred of them with cannon? The rest would take themselves off very quickly" (Roberts, 39).

He was still in Paris that September when more than 1,200 people were murdered in the city's prisons in the September Massacres . These massacres, a reaction to Prussia's and Austria's threat to destroy Paris, were defended by Napoleon, who stated, "I think the massacres…have produced a powerful effect on the men of the invading army. In one moment, they saw a whole population rise up against them" (Roberts, 40). These words found him inching closer to Jacobinism, an ideology already fully embraced by his brother Lucien, who went by the alias "Brutus" in the Corsican chapter of the Jacobin Club.

In 1793, he wrote a pamphlet entitled Le Souper de Beaucaire , an account of a fictional dinner in the village of Beaucaire. Taking the form of a discussion between himself and a group of disgruntled merchants, the pamphlet argues that France was in existential danger and that the Jacobin government had to be supported, lest vengeful aristocrats engulf the nation. The pamphlet, which marked Napoleon as a true sympathizer of the Jacobin cause, caught the attention of Augustin Robespierre, younger brother of the more famous Jacobin leader, who arranged for its publication. This was a turning point in Napoleon's career, giving him valuable connections.

He returned to Corsica in late 1792, just after the declaration of the First French Republic, to champion the Jacobins' cause. His return found the island even more anti-French than when he had left it, as many had become alienated by the Revolution's policies of dechristianization and by the September Massacres. Napoleon, meanwhile, was fully on the side of the Revolution. As biographer Roberts explains:

He moved from being a Corsican nationalist to a French revolutionary not because he finally got over being bullied at school, or because of anything to do with his father…but simply because the politics of France and Corsica had profoundly changed and so too had his place within them. (41)

Around this time, he gave up writing history and fiction, stating that he no longer had "the small ambition to become an author" (Bell, 19). The Revolution had given him a new purpose. In February 1793, a month after the execution of King Louis XVI , Napoleon was given his first true military command. His task was to liberate three small Sardinian islands from the Kingdom of Piedmont-Sardinia, which had recently joined the quickly expanding list of France's enemies. He had been selected by Paoli, who was perhaps secretly hoping he would fail – far from the 10,000 men the Paris Convention requested for the expedition, Paoli had furnished Napoleon with only 1,800. This was not nearly enough to complete the task, and Napoleon was forced to return to Corsica in defeat.

By now, the break between Paoli's supporters and the Convention was inevitable; indeed, Paoli's loyalties were drifting closer to Great Britain, his old hosts during his exile. Yet, even now Napoleon tried to reconcile his loyalty to his homeland with his newfound identity as a French revolutionary. But when Saliceti ordered Paoli's arrest for treason, his supporters rose in revolt against the Jacobin regime. Napoleon realized a decision had to be made. He chose the Republic.

The Soldier

On 3 May 1793, Napoleon was detained by Paolist supporters on his way to join his brother Joseph in Bastia. He was freed soon after by villagers sympathetic to France, although the family estate, Casa Bonaparte, was ransacked by Paolists a few weeks later. Having seized the city of Ajaccio, Paoli's government officially outlawed the Bonaparte family. A despondent Napoleon finally denounced his childhood hero, writing that Paoli had "hatred and vengeance in his heart" (Roberts, 44). With few options, the entire Bonaparte family left Corsica on 11 July 1793 aboard the ship Proselyte , landing at the French port city of Toulon two days later. By the end of the month, Paoli recognized King George III of Great Britain as the ruler of Corsica. Save for a brief pitstop on the island in 1799 on his return voyage from campaigning in Egypt , Napoleon would never see Corsica again.

It would not take long for Napoleon's Jacobin connections to pay off. On 24 August, a combined Coalition army of British, Spanish, and Neapolitans occupied Toulon at the invitation of the fédéré rebels who had revolted there. Due to his friendship with major Jacobin figures such as Saliceti and Augustin Robespierre, and because the army had been depleted by mass emigrations and executions, Napoleon was immediately given the rank of major in the army that was sent to retake the city. By October, he was in command of all the artillery involved in the siege. His brilliant and daring actions during the Siege of Toulon became the first chapter of the Napoleonic legend; he played a huge role in the city's fall in December. For his actions, he received the rank of brigadier-general on 22 December, at the age of just 24.

Using his newfound influence, Napoleon submitted a plan for the invasion of Italy to the Committee of Public Safety in early 1794. It was supported by Augustin Robespierre, who was overseeing the Italian theater of war, and who had helped get Napoleon appointed as the artillery commander of the Army of Italy. That July, Napoleon embarked on secret missions to Genoa on Robespierre's behalf, in the hopes of becoming closer integrated into the Jacobin leadership. It was the worst possible time he could have done this. That month, the Thermidorian Reaction led to the downfall and execution of top Jacobin leaders, including the Robespierre brothers. Due to his relationship with Augustin, Napoleon was arrested on 9 August in Nice.

Had Napoleon been in Paris when the Jacobins lost power, he very well could have been guillotined along with his former patron. Instead, he was released on lack of evidence on 20 August. While other former Jacobins may have wished to slide into obscurity following such a close call, Napoleon was still a man of insatiable ambition. His exploits soon caught the eye of one of the new Thermidorian leaders, Paul Barras, who tasked Napoleon with putting down an uprising in Paris. Napoleon executed this task, the revolt of 13 Vendemiaire , with calculated efficiency, the famous "whiff of grapeshot", elevating his position further. In March 1796, partly thanks to the efforts of his new patron Barras, Napoleon was given command of the Army of Italy. Napoleon's First Italian Campaign would be the decisive moment in the War of the First Coalition , and would also set Napoleon on his trajectory toward the throne.

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Bibliography

• Bell, David A. Napoleon. Oxford University Press, 2015.
• Bell, David A. The First Total War. Mariner Books, 2014.
• Carlyle, Thomas & Sorensen, David R. & Kinser, Brent E. & Engel, Mark. The French Revolution . Oxford University Press, 2019.
• Doyle, William. The Oxford History of the French Revolution. Oxford University Press, 2018.
• Francois Furet & Mona Ozouf & Arthur Goldhammer. A Critical Dictionary of the French Revolution. Belknap Press: An Imprint of Harvard University Press, 1989.
• Mikaberidze, Alexander. The Napoleonic Wars. Oxford University Press, 2020.
• Palmer, R. R. Twelve who ruled. Oxford University Press, 2022.
• Roberts, Andrew. Napoleon. Penguin Books, 2015.

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Intellectual Rabbit Hole

Curiosity is the beginning of adventure, the french revolution and the birth of modern nationalism.

• August 25, 2021

Today, we take the concept of political nationalism for granted. People with a common history, language, and culture tend to share the same government. So for instance, when we say things like ‘the French,’ ‘the Italians,’ or ‘the Chinese,’ we are referring to both the people of a geographic area that share a common culture (e.g., French food) and the political entity that serves those people (e.g., French government). Yet, this take on nationalism is fairly new. It was cultivated by French philosophers over the course of the 18th century and helped ignite the French Revolution, with dramatic results. This article explores the connection between the French Revolution and nationalism, from its origins in the writings of Rousseau to its bloody zenith in the Reign of Terror. Throughout, we focus on how nationalism encouraged France to radically redefine the relationship between its government and citizens.

Nationalism in Pre-Revolutionary Europe

Before the 18th century, the peoples of Europe navigated a maze of competing cultural and political identities. Local vs. national. Catholic vs. Protestant. Loyalty to one’s feudal lord vs. loyalty to one’s monarch. Nationalism, or the cultural bond with one’s nation, was simply one of these identities. It was neither the dominant identity nor tightly bound to any political entity. On the one hand, people united under the same government often did not see themselves as the same ‘nation.’ For instance, the sprawling Habsburg Empire included peoples as diverse as the Hungarian peasant and the Dutch merchant. On the other hand, people of the same cultural and linguistic background might be split across different governments, as was the case with the German city states and principalities.

The Dialects of France : Prior to the 19th century, France was divided into groups speaking a variety of dialects. Nationalism led to a desire to unify the people and standardize the French language. [1]

Rousseau, nationalism, and popular sovereignty

In part, it took the writings of French philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau to realize the potential for nationalism to serve as the bedrock for powerful states. Writing in 1762, [2] Rousseau argued that nationalism provides people with a sense of belonging, meaning, and purpose. Fostering a strong sense of nationalism in a country – an amour de la patrie , in Rousseau’s words –  would allow its citizens to transcend their personal interests and work towards something greater. [3] [4] The power of nationalism to transform disparate communities into united subjects appealed to the European monarchs of the period.

In addition, Rousseau connected nationalism with popular sovereignty, allowing the budding 18th-century nationalists and liberal Enlightenment philosophers to find common cause. In The Social Contract , his magnum opus and  “handbook for nation-making,” Rousseau dealt with the question of how to unite the people of a nation and their government. [5] The treatise’s thesis proposed that citizens of a nation can only thrive by participating in politics and thus expressing the “general will.” [6] The role of the sovereign was to encourage the citizenry’s participation in government and ensure the people’s will was carried out. [7] In return for the sovereign’s guarantee to express the general will, the people would serve the sovereign, and the nation at large, with patriotism and virtue. 

In Rousseau’s mind, then, nationalism was the key to securing both liberty for the people and loyalty to the state. This idea would go on to change all of Europe.

Nationalism and the start of the French Revolution

Nationalism gains strength before the french revolution.

In France, nationalism played a large role in driving the country to and eventually shaping its Revolution. Faced with mounting debt and growing discontent, King Louis XVI turned to nationalism to rally the country. [8] In addressing the Assembly of Nobles, the king’s director of fiscal policy notably replaced the traditional maxim of “as the King wishes, so it be law” to “as the happiness of the people commands, so the King desires,” a clear reflection of Rousseau’s concept of popular sovereignty. [9]  

In France’s legislative body, the Estates-General, an outpouring of nationalist sentiment led to significant changes in the distribution of power. The Third Estate (representing the commoners) argued that the nobility and the clergy were “burdens upon the nation” that “chain[ed]” the will of the people. [10]  So, they abolished feudal privileges and promulgated the Declaration of the Rights of Man . Seeking to uphold the human rights of all citizens, the Declaration reads as if it were written by Rousseau. For instance, Article Three states “The principle of all sovereignty lies in the nation” while Article Six adds that “The Law is the expression of the general will.” [11] In these pre-Revolutionary days, nationalistic ideology pushed France to unify around the banner of popular sovereignty to face the country’s financial difficulties.

Nationalism sparks revolution in France

And yet, the people did not respond to their newfound popular sovereignty by loyally supporting their sovereign. New leaders stoked the growing fervor to mobilize the French people and implement a series of radical measures. The National Guard soon led a popular takeover of the Tuileries Palace, driving the king further into hiding. Then, mere weeks later, the monarchy was officially abolished, erasing any doubts of the Revolution’s significance. [12]  

But, this was not the most radical action taken. From September 2 nd to 6 th , violently nationalistic crowds thundered through the prisons of Paris, capturing inmates, trying them before makeshift courts, and executing well over 1000 of them. They justified this as an attempt to purge la patrie of immorality and safeguard their homeland. Rousseau’s nationalism, initially used simply to unite the country, had now taken a turn. The general will became fanatical and the common. Uniting experiences became riots and executions. [13] , [14]

On January 21, 1793, King Louis XVI approached the guillotine. And, when his bloody head was hoisted before the cheering crowds of Frenchmen below, the customary declaration of “the king is dead, long live the king” was ousted by the revolutionary cry of “Vive la nation!” Thus, the rabid throngs of Paris hailed a new era. [15] The moment’s symbolism was clear: the state had supplanted the king. It was the authority, and it followed the Rousseauian rubric of deriving its power from the people. The connection between the French Revolution and nationalism had mutated. The state executed nearly 40,000 people between the summers of 1793 and ’94. [16]

Over the course of just a decade, the French people experienced lofty highs and bloody lows of nationalism. Awakening a sense of unity in a country previously defined by its monarchy, nationalism propelled average citizens to the forefront of a nation long-dominated by noble families and clergymen. It promulgated the protection of human rights as the core government function. Also, it eventually harnessed the full potential of French manpower to defeat the other major European powers. Yet, those motivated by a sense of community were susceptible to a hatred of their fellow citizens. Those that promulgated the Declaration of the Rights of Man held show trials and mass executions. And those that deposed a king consolidated behind Napoleon. As we consider the impact of nationalism and self-determination in today’s society, it is important to keep these contradictions in mind.

[1] Langues de la France1.gif: Taken from Lexilogos.com with permission from the copyright holder: “oui pour wikipedia! je vous demanderais de préciser la source en plaçant un lien vers cette page”Départements de France-simple.svg: SuperManuFile:France map Lambert-93 with regions and departments-blank.svg: Eric Gaba (Sting – fr:Sting)derivative work: Hellotheworld, CC BY-SA 3.0 <https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0>, via Wikimedia Commons

[2] Derek Hastings, Nationalism in Modern Europe: Politics, Identity, and Belonging since the French Revolution (New York: Bloomsbury Academic, 2018), 14.

[3] Steven T. Engel, “Rousseau and Imagined Communities,” The Review of Politics 67, no. 3 (2005): 534, www.jstor.org/stable/25046445 .

[4] Timothy Tackett, The Coming of the Terror in the French Revolution (Cambridge, Massachusetts: The Belknap Press of the Harvard University Press, 2015), 68.

[5] Robert R. Palmer, “The National Idea in France before the Revolution,” Journal of the History of Ideas 1, no. 1 (1940): 106, www.jstor.org/stable/2707012 .

[8] Hastings, Modern Europe , 22.

[9] Ibid, 23.

[10] Emmanuel-Joseph Sieyès, What is the Third Estate? (Paris: 1789; University of Oregon), pages.uoregon.edu /dluebke/301ModernEurope/Sieyes3dEstate.pdf .

[11] Marquis de Lafayette and Emmanuel-Joseph Sieyès, “Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen” (Paris: 1789; Yale Avalon Project: 2008).

[12] Hastings, Modern Europe , 27..

[14] Engel, “Imagine Communities,” 531.

[15] Hastings, Modern Europe , 30.

[16] Ibid., 31.

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French Revolution: Essay & Important Notes

What led to the french revolution.

At the close of the 18 th century, France had been long involved in the American Revolution and the extravagant spending of King Louis XVI led France to bankruptcy. Additionally, the common people of France were caught in a vicious cycle of poor harvest, cattle disease, and the increasing prices of bread. This led to widespread discontent and made the people revolt against the monarchy.

Prominent Events of the French Revolution

The entire period of the French Revolution saw several events. Some of the prominent ones include:

Rise of the Third Estate

The population of France had been changing for a long time and non-aristocratic members formed a major part of the Third Estate. However, the Third Estate was not provided equivalent powers and by 1798 began to mobilize for equal representation and wanted voting by head and not by status. The nobles were, however, not ready to part with their privileges and powers.

Tennis Court Oath

With increasing hostility between the three orders about the voting rights of the Third Estate, the title of the National Assembly was adopted by it at an indoor tennis court and took the Tennis Court Oath vowing not to disperse until constitutional reform had been achieved.

The Bastille and Great Fear

As the National Assembly continued its work, violence and fear had consumed the capital city. The rumors of an impending military coup further put the people of Paris in fear. Many rioters marched into the Bastille fortress to collect gunpowder and weapons and this is what marked the beginning of the French Revolution. The revolutionary fear spread far and wide and peasants looted and burned homes of tax collectors and landlords who had exploited them. This agrarian revolt is termed as Great Fear and led the National Assembly to abolish feudalism in August 1789.

Declaration of Rights

The National Assembly adopted the Declaration of Rights of Man and of the citizen in August 1789. The declaration proclaimed to replace the ancient regime with a system based on equal opportunities, freedom of speech, popular sovereignty, and representative government.

Reign of Terror

During the French Revolution, the period marred with a lot of violence was known as the Reign of Terror. It was during this period that the revolution turned radical and King Louis XVI was sent to death from treason.

Violence during the French Revolution

End of the French Revolution

In 1795, the National Convention created the first bicameral legislature of France. The executive power was given to the five-member Directory. However, the members of the Directory were involved in corruption, inefficiency as well as the financial crisis. By the 1790s, most of the members of the Directory had ceded much of their power to the military generals. In 1799, frustrated with the leadership, Napoleon Bonaparte staged a coup and abolished the Directory, and appointed himself as France’s “first consul.” This led to the end of the French Revolution.

Important Notes

• French Revolution was started to bring about political changes in France.
• The revolution aimed to create a free and sovereign France.
• There were several important events during the French Revolution that were marred by violence and revolts by peasants.

The revolution came to an end with the ascent of Napoleon Bonaparte.

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French Revolution 1789

France on the eve of the revolution, french revolution causes, french revolution outbreak, major events after the french revolution, french revolution impacts.

Prelims: Nil

Mains: History of the World will include events from the 18th century, such as Industrial Revolution, world wars, Redrawal of National Boundaries, Colonization, Decolonization, political philosophies like Communism, Capitalism, Socialism etc. their forms and effect on society.

The French Revolution, spanning from 1789 to 1799 , was a revolutionary movement that significantly impacted France and the world. Fueled by widespread discontent among the impoverished masses and the bourgeoisie over the gross inequalities and absolute power wielded by the monarchy, nobility, and clergy , this revolution marked a seismic shift in sociopolitical paradigms. The revolution witnessed the collapse of the monarchy , radical changes in the political landscape, and the rise of Napoleon Bonaparte . Its impact extended beyond France’s frontiers, inspiring nationalist movements worldwide. The French Revolution epitomised the core values of liberty, equality, and fraternity for all individuals.

France was marked by deep-rooted social inequalities among the three estates , economic hardships , and political unrest , laying the groundwork for the transformative events that unfolded during the French Revolution.

• French society : Eighteenth-century French society was divided into three estates.
• First Estate : The clergy , which included bishops, priests, and other religious officials, enjoyed significant privileges and were exempt from taxation.
• Second Estate : The nobility , comprising the aristocrats and members of the royal family , held vast lands and feudal rights over the peasantry. They too were exempted from paying taxes.
• Third Estate: This estate encompassed the vast majority of the population, including the bourgeoisie (merchants and professionals), urban workers, and peasants. They bore the brunt of the tax burden imposed by the monarchy, fueling resentment towards the privileged classes.
• This rigid social stratification, known as the " Old Regime ," perpetuated inequalities and contributed to the mounting discontent that ultimately sparked the French Revolution.
• French polity: France was an absolute monarchy, with King Louis XVI holding supreme power. The monarchy was considered divinely ordained, and the king ruled through a vast bureaucracy.
• French economy : The French economy was primarily agricultural , with a significant portion of the population engaged in farming.

Several factors contributed to the causes of the French Revolution:

• Economic inequality: Most rural peasants lived in extreme poverty, struggling to make ends meet while shouldering heavy tax burdens. The clergy and nobility, meanwhile, were exempt from taxes and granted privileges.
• Financial crisis: Years of extravagant spending by the monarchy, particularly King Louis XVI and the royal court, drained the state coffers and left the government heavily indebted .
• They were burdened with heavy taxes and lacked social mobility, while the nobility and clergy enjoyed numerous privileges and monopolies.
• Urban poor's resentment: The urban poor, facing unemployment, rising prices, and inadequate social welfare, grew increasingly resentful of the ruling regime and in resentment, they resorted to riots.
• Enlightenment ideas: Enlightenment philosophies, which emphasised individual liberty, reason, and equality, had a significant influence on the intellectual climate in France. Thinkers such as Voltaire, Rousseau, and Montesquieu promoted ideas of individual liberty, reason, and equality, inspiring a new wave of progressive thought .
• Voltaire criticised religious intolerance and championed freedom of speech and reason.
• Rousseau expanded upon these ideas by proposing a form of government based on a social contract between people and their representatives.
• This model of government was put into practice in the United States following the colonies' declaration of independence from Britain.
• The French intellectuals found great inspiration in the American Constitution and its protection of individual rights.
• French leaders like Lafayate participated in the American Revolution, and they became the forebears of the revolution in France on their return.
• Queen Marie Antoinette: Her extravagant lifestyleand perceived indifference to the struggles of the French people aggravated public resentment. She was originally from Austria, which made her a foreign queenin the eyes of the French people. This fueled negative sentiments towards her and the monarchy.

The Outbreak of the Revolution was caused by the particular actions of Louis XVI. They can be understood as below.

• Louis XVI's need to increase taxes: XVI faced financial difficulties due to France's involvement in costly wars, such as the American Revolutionary War, which strained the royal treasury.
• The existing tax system was outdated and inefficient, failing to generate sufficient revenue to meet the growing expenses of the monarchy.
• Calling the Estates General: Louis XVI, as the monarch, did not possess the authority to unilaterally impose taxes. He had to convene a meeting of the Estates General, an assembly representing the three estates.
• The Estates General had not been called for over two centuries, and Louis XVI took the initiative to summon the assembly on 5 May 1789 at Versailles.
• Composition of the Estates General: The first and second estates sent 300 representatives each, while the third estate had 600 representatives, mainly comprising prosperous and educated individuals.
• Peasants, artisans, and women were excluded from the assembly.
• This demand aligned with democratic principles advocated by philosophers like Jean-Jacques Rousseau and his book "The Social Contract."

The French Revolution witnessed a series of major events that transformed France and had far-reaching consequences, including the formation of state constitutions , political party development, the rise of Napoleon , and the spread of revolutionary ideals across the nation.

Revolutionary Wars

Despite signing the Constitution, Louis XVI engaged in secret negotiations with the King of Prussia. The rulers of neighbouring countries were concerned about the developments in France and made plans to send troops to suppress the events taking place since 1789.

• Declaration of War: In April 1792, the National Assembly voted to declare war against Prussia and Austria.
• Declaration of Volunteers: Thousands of provincial volunteers enlisted in the army, viewing it as a popular war against European monarchies and aristocracies.
• Men were away fighting, leaving women to shoulder the responsibilities of earning a living and caring for their families.
• Many people believed that the revolution needed to go further, as the Constitution of 1791 granted political rights only to the wealthier sections of society.

Political Clubs

The first anniversary of the fall of the Bastille marked a moment of liberation and exaltation. There was a general feeling of unity and solidarity among the participants. It was seen as a significant step towards a more inclusive society.

• Discontent: However, this sense of unity did not last long. The common people continued to suffer, and dissatisfaction grew among them.
• Political clubs:  Dissatisfied people started forming political clubs to discuss the problems they faced.
• A majority of the members of the Jacobin club wore long striped trousers as against the trousers with knee breeches usually worn by the noble class. 
• Cordelier Club: Another lawyer, Danton, dominated the Cordelier Club.

National Convention and Birth of the First French Republic

• The Jacobins organised an uprising during the summer of 1792 in reaction to high prices and a lack of food. In August, they stormed the Palace of the Tuileries, overpowered the king's guards, and held the king hostage.
• The Assembly subsequently voted to imprison the royal family , and elections were held. The newly elected assembly, known as the Convention, abolished the monarchy in September 1792 and declared France a republic.
• Louis XVI was sentenced to death for treason and publicly executed on January 21, 1793, followed by the execution of Queen Marie Antoinette .

The Reign of Terror

The period from 1793 to 1794 is known as the Reign of Terror, characterised by severe control and punishment under the leadership of Maximilien Robespierre .

• Robespierre targeted people he believed to be republican enemies, such as clergy, ex-nobles, people in other political parties, and even his own party's dissidents.
• Those deemed guilty were arrested, imprisoned, and tried by revolutionary tribunals , with a high likelihood of being sentenced to death by guillotine .
• Economic and social changes: Robespierre's government implemented laws to control the economy, such as placing maximum ceilings on wages and prices.
• Meat and bread were rationed, and peasants were forced to carry their grain to cities where it was sold for prices set by the government.
•  Churches were closed, and their buildings were repurposed as barracks or offices.
• The downfall of Robespierre: Over time, even Robespierre's supporters began to call for moderation in his policies. Eventually, he was convicted by a court in July 1794, arrested, and executed by guillotine.

Rule of the Directory

The fall of the Jacobin government allowed the wealthier middle classes to come to power.A new constitution was introducedthat restricted voting rights to property-owning sections of society, excluding non-propertied individuals.

• Introduction of the Directory: The legislative councils appointed a Directory, which consisted of five members and served as the executive branch of the government. The creation of the Directory aimed to prevent the concentration of power in a single individual, as had been the case under the Jacobins.
• Instability of the Directory: The Directors often clashed with the legislative councils, leading to conflicts and attempts to dismiss them. The political instabilitywithin the Directory created a sense of discontent and dissatisfaction among the people.
• Rise of Napoleon Bonaparte: The political instability and power struggles within the Directory created an opportunity for military leaders to seize control. Napoleon Bonaparte emerged as a military dictator and eventually took power, marking the end of the Directory.

The French Revolution had a profound impact not only in France but also throughout Europe, serving as a source of inspiration for anti-colonial intellectuals and movements worldwide during the 19th and early 20th centuries.

• Reduction of Social Inequality: The revolution aimed to reduce social inequality by curbing privileges based on birth.
• Republican government: A republican form of government with electoral rights was established, replacing the monarchy.
• Abolition of the feudal system: The feudal system was abolished, which perpetuated social hierarchies and obligations.
• Abolition of slavery: Although it took time for the total abolition of slavery, the French Revolution played a pivotal role in bringing about its eventual demise.
• Subordination of the Church: The Church lost its supremacy and became subordinate to the state.
• It championed principles such as liberty, equality, and fraternity , shaping the course of history and inspiring subsequent movements for justice and freedom.
• Separation of powers: It resulted in establishing a system with three separate organs of government: legislative, executive, and judiciar y.
• Inspiration for Europe: It sparked hope across Europe, inspiring people to challenge despotic rule and strive for the establishment of egalitarian societies.

American Revolution vs French Revolution

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French Revolution PYQs

Question 1: Explain how the foundations of the modern world were laid by the American and French revolutions. ( UPSC Mains exam 2019 )

French Revolution FAQs

Why is the french revolution important.

The French Revolution is important because it marked a pivotal turning point in history, challenging the existing social and political order and setting the stage for the rise of democratic principles and ideals worldwide.

Who is called the child of the French Revolution?

Napoleon Bonaparte is often referred to as the "child of the French Revolution" due to his rise to power and subsequent consolidation of authority, which was made possible by the revolutionary changes and upheavals in France.

When did the French Revolution begin?

The French Revolution began on July 14, 1789, with the storming of the Bastille prison in Paris, which is widely regarded as a symbolic event and the initial catalyst for the revolution.

When did the French Revolution end?

The French Revolution is generally considered to have ended with the rise to power of Napoleon Bonaparte in 1799, specifically with the establishment of the Consulate. This marked the consolidation of authority and the transition from the revolutionary period to the Napoleonic era.

Why did the French Revolution start?

The French Revolution started due to a combination of socioeconomic inequality, resentment towards the monarchy, and Enlightenment ideals promoting liberty and equality, with the catalyst being the economic crisis and food shortages faced by the French government.

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The modern nature of nationalism

Identification of state and people, cultural nationalism.

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• The Balance - What Is Nationalism?
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What is nationalism?

Nationalism is an ideology that emphasizes loyalty, devotion, or allegiance to a nation or nation-state and holds that such obligations outweigh other individual or group interests.

A nation is a group of people with a common language, history, culture, and (usually) geographic territory. A state is an association of people characterized by formal institutions of government , including laws; permanent territorial boundaries; and sovereignty (political independence). A state may comprise one or more nations (as did the Roman Empire and Austria-Hungary ), and a nation may be represented in (or ruled by) one or more (usually contiguous) states, as in the early modern principalities of Germany. A state comprising or dominated by a single nation is often called a nation-state.

A nationalist movement may be political or cultural or both. A political nationalist movement is a political, sometimes also military, struggle by a national group for statehood or for some measure of independence from or autonomy within a larger political association, such as another state or an empire. It may also be a struggle by a national group within its own nation-state for wider rights for its members, or it may be a (reactionary) struggle by such a national group against wider rights for minority groups. A cultural nationalist movement, which historically often precedes a political movement, is an effort to rediscover, preserve, study, or reinvigorate the language or cultural traditions of a nation.

Although the 17th-century Puritan Revolution in England was animated by nationalist sentiment, significant nationalist movements generally did not arise until the late 18th century. The American and French revolutions (1775–83 and 1787–99, respectively) were both expressions of political nationalism. Later, nationalist movements inspired the Revolutions of 1848 on the European continent, the establishment of a unified Italian state in 1861, and the formation of new nation-states in central and eastern Europe after World War I .

What are some contemporary nationalist movements?

Nationalist movements have included those by or on behalf of Tibetans in China, Palestinians in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank , Kurds in Turkey and Iraq, Chechens in the Soviet Union and Russia, and Bosniaks, Serbs, and Croats in the ethnic republics that arose from Yugoslavia .

nationalism , ideology based on the premise that the individual’s loyalty and devotion to the nation-state surpass other individual or group interests.

This article discusses the origins and history of nationalism to the 1980s. For later developments in the history of nationalism, see 20th-century international relations ; European Union ; and Euroskepticism .

Nationalism is a modern movement. Throughout history people have been attached to their native soil, to the traditions of their parents, and to established territorial authorities, but it was not until the end of the 18th century that nationalism began to be a generally recognized sentiment molding public and private life and one of the great, if not the greatest, single determining factors of modern history. Because of its dynamic vitality and its all-pervading character, nationalism is often thought to be very old; sometimes it is mistakenly regarded as a permanent factor in political behaviour. Actually, the American and French revolutions may be regarded as its first powerful manifestations . After penetrating the new countries of Latin America , it spread in the early 19th century to central Europe and from there, toward the middle of the century, to eastern and southeastern Europe. At the beginning of the 20th century, nationalism flowered in Asia and Africa. Thus, the 19th century has been called the age of nationalism in Europe, while the 20th century witnessed the rise and struggle of powerful national movements throughout Asia and Africa.

Nationalism, translated into world politics, implies the identification of the state or nation with the people—or at least the desirability of determining the extent of the state according to ethnographic principles. In the age of nationalism, but only in the age of nationalism, the principle was generally recognized that each nationality should form a state—its state—and that the state should include all members of that nationality. Formerly states, or territories under one administration, were not delineated by nationality. People did not give their loyalty to the nation-state but to other, different forms of political organization: the city-state , the feudal fief and its lord, the dynastic state, the religious group, or the sect. The nation-state was nonexistent during the greater part of history, and for a very long time it was not even regarded as an ideal. In the first 15 centuries of the Common Era, the ideal was the universal world-state, not loyalty to any separate political entity. The Roman Empire had set the great example, which survived not only in the Holy Roman Empire of the Middle Ages but also in the concept of the res publica christiana (“Christian republic” or community) and in its later secularized form of a united world civilization.

As political allegiance , before the age of nationalism, was not determined by nationality, so civilization was not thought of as nationally determined. During the Middle Ages, civilization was looked upon as determined religiously; for all the different nationalities of Christendom as well as for those of Islam , there was but one civilization— Christian or Muslim—and but one language of culture— Latin (or Greek ) or Arabic (or Persian ). Later, in the periods of the Renaissance and of Classicism , it was the ancient Greek and Roman civilizations that became a universal norm, valid for all peoples and all times. Still later, French civilization was accepted throughout Europe as the valid civilization for educated people of all nationalities. It was only at the end of the 18th century that, for the first time, civilization was considered to be determined by nationality. It was then that the principle was put forward that people could be educated only in their own mother tongue, not in languages of other civilizations and other times, whether they were classical languages or the literary creations of other peoples who had reached a high degree of civilization.

From the end of the 18th century on, the nationalization of education and public life went hand in hand with the nationalization of states and political loyalties. Poets and scholars began to emphasize cultural nationalism first. They reformed the mother tongue, elevated it to the rank of a literary language, and delved deep into the national past. Thus, they prepared the foundations for the political claims for national statehood soon to be raised by the people in whom they had kindled the spirit.

Before the 18th century there had been evidences of national feeling among certain groups at certain periods, especially in times of stress and conflict. The rise of national feeling to major political importance was encouraged by a number of complex developments: the creation of large centralized states ruled by absolute monarchs who destroyed the old feudal allegiances; the secularization of life and of education, which fostered the vernacular languages and weakened the ties of church and sect; the growth of commerce, which demanded larger territorial units to allow scope for the dynamic spirit of the rising middle classes and their capitalistic enterprise. This large unified territorial state, with its political and economic centralization, became imbued in the 18th century with a new spirit—an emotional fervour similar to that of religious movements in earlier periods. Under the influence of the new theories of the sovereignty of the people and of individual rights, the people replaced the king as the centre of the nation. No longer was the king the nation or the state; the state had become the people’s state, a national state, a fatherland, or a motherland. State became identified with nation, as civilization became identified with national civilization.

That development ran counter to the conceptions that had dominated political thought for the preceding 2,000 years. Thitherto, the general and the universal had been commonly stressed, and unity had been regarded as the desirable goal. Nationalism emphasized the particular and parochial , the differences, and the national individualities. Those tendencies became more pronounced as nationalism developed. Its less attractive characteristics were not at first apparent. In the 17th and 18th centuries the common standards of Western civilization, the regard for the universally human, the faith in reason (one and the same everywhere) as well as in common sense, the survival of Christian and Stoic traditions—all of these were still too strong to allow nationalism to develop fully and to disrupt society. Thus, nationalism in its beginning was thought to be compatible with cosmopolitan convictions and with a general love of humankind, especially in western Europe and North America .

History of nationalism to the 1980s