police corruption in the philippines essay

Invisible no more: Shedding light on police violence and corruption in the Philippines

The Philippines was romanticized and dubbed the “ Pearl of the Orient Seas ” by national hero and writer José Rizal due to the country’s elegant organic beauty. However, the pearl’s beauty has been tainted by increasing police brutality, accelerated in recent years.

After becoming the 16th President of the Philippines in 2016, Rodrigo Duterte was quick and adamant about carrying out a “ war on drugs ” campaign. Duterte implemented extreme measures targeting criminals and non-compliant citizens from impoverished communities to restore peace and order in the country.

In his first press conference after being elected as president, Duterte pledged to end crime, corruption, and the illegal drug trade within three to six months of being elected. However, Duterte implemented this pledge through the promotion of a new measure: “shoot-to-kill” orders.

“What I will do is urge Congress to restore [the] death penalty by hanging,” Duterte said in his first press conference. “If you resist, show violent resistance, my order to police [will be] to shoot to kill. Shoot to kill for organized crime. You heard that? Shoot to kill for every organized crime.”

Unfortunately, Duterte’s strategies to combat the issues faced by Filipinos have conditioned and emboldened the police, creating a sense of invincibility. The implications of Duterte’s extreme strategies include the manslaughter of innocent citizens and the manifestation of police corruption in the country. However, as a new president leads the country, the future of the Philippines’ criminal justice system seems committed to less violent means.

‘Shoot-To-Kill’

Duterte’s shoot-to-kill orders evolved dangerously, putting more innocent Filipino lives at risk and perpetuating the human rights crisis in the country. The global COVID-19 pandemic was not a barrier to Duterte’s anti-crime operations.

Amidst the pandemic, the government implemented an “ Enhanced Community Quarantine ” (ECQ) for the country’s capital, Manila, as well as the entire island of Luzon in an effort to mitigate the spread of the virus. During the lockdown, Filipinos were confined in their homes, transportation was suspended, food and health services were regulated, and uniformed personnel patrolled the streets to enforce strict quarantine measures.

During the ECQ, the government did not fulfill its promises as residents did not receive relief support. On April 1, 2020, frustration from community members erupted into political demonstrations in the streets of San Roque, Quezon City. Advocates and protestors asked for answers from the government in regard to their promised supplies and food aid.

Duterte’s response? “ Shoot them dead .”

In a televised address on the same day as the protests, Duterte ordered the police and military to shoot troublemakers if they felt their lives were in danger. “My orders are to the police and military, also village officials, that if there is trouble or the situation arises that people fight and your lives are on the line, shoot them dead,” Duterte said.

According to the World Population Review’s most recent annual data, the Philippines is the country with the world’s highest number of police killings, with over 6,000 between 2016 and 2021.

As of February 2022, based on the Philippine Drug Enforcement Agency’s (PDEA) Real Numbers PH data , since Duterte took office in 2016, the government implemented 229,868 operations against illegal drugs, which resulted in the arrest of a total of 331,694 suspects. Beyond this, according to the PDEA, the total number of killings during anti-drug operations reached 6,235.

In November 2021, the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project published a comprehensive database of the Philippines revealing that since 2016, at least 7,742 civilians have been killed in anti-drug raids, which is approximately 25 percent higher than the figure issued by the government.

As described by Eliza Romero, a coordinator for the Malaya Movement , a US-based alliance that advocates for human rights, freedom, and democracy in the Philippines, Duterte’s fierce rhetoric has given an invitation to vigilante and extrajudicial violence among the community.

“The shoot-to-kill order will just encourage more extrajudicial killings and vigilantism,” Romero said in an interview with Foreign Policy. “It will give private citizens and barangay [village] captains impunity to commit more human rights violations with the protection of the law while normalizing carnage.”

Behind every number is a real person—whose story has been invisible and whose life has been reduced by police officers who one day decided to target an innocent victim; a brother or sister; a son or daughter; a husband or wife; a father or mother.

Karla A., daughter of Renato A. who was killed in December 2016, recounts her experiences after losing her father at the age of 10, stating in an interview with the Human Rights Watch (HRW), “I was there when it happened when my papa was shot. I saw everything, how my papa was shot. … Our happy family is gone. We don’t have anyone to call father now. We want to be with him, but we can’t anymore.”

Emboldening the Police

Duterte’s enforcement measures to achieve public order put innocent citizens in a battle they have already lost. What is worse is that Duterte not only normalized but justified the killing of innocent citizens. Duterte assured the police impunity , stating that he would not only protect them from human rights abuses but ultimately pardon them if ever they are convicted for carrying out his anti-drug campaigns. This leads to the intensification of corruption within police departments in the country.

Duterte’s shoot-to-kill orders have not shown mercy to victims as he has always been in favor of the police. He never failed to show support for the police in carrying out his campaigns in his public and televised addresses. For instance, Duterte gave orders to Bureau of Customs Commissioner Rey Leonardo Guerrero stating that “Drugs are still flowing in. I'd like you to kill there [in communities]… anyway, I'll back you up and you won't get jailed. If it's drugs, you shoot and kill. That’s the arrangement,” Duterte said .

Duterte’s vow to protect the police results in police officers feeling emboldened and invincible. Police officers who have followed Duterte’s orders are promoted through the ranks. Police officers are not held accountable for the deaths of innocent civilians; the country’s own President pardons them. On top of this, police officers are falsifying evidence to justify unlawful killings and avoid legal repercussions.

The HRW published a report titled “‘License to Kill’: Philippine Police Killings in Duterte’s ‘War on Drugs,” which analyzed a total of 24 incidents that led to 32 deaths, involving Philippine National Police (PNP) personnel between October 2016 and January 2017. The report concluded that police officers would falsely claim self-defense to justify these killings.

To further strengthen their claims, police officers would plant guns, spent ammunition, and drug packets next to the bodies of victims. In turn, the victims would seem more guilty of being part of drug-related activities. Other times, police officers would work closely with masked gunmen to carry out these extrajudicial killings. In other words, police officers have succeeded in rooting their endeavors in deceit.

Fortunately, there have been instances where some police officers were legally prosecuted in police killings. Three police officers were found guilty of murdering a 17-year-old teenager in 2017, the first conviction of officers ever since Duterte launched his war on drugs.

A Look Into the Future

The Philippines as the “Pearl of the Orient Seas” has lost its luster due to the many problems that the nation continues to face—one of the most prominent ones is Duterte’s explicit abuse of police power. Similar to how pearls lose their glow when not provided with the care it needs, the integrity of police officers has dried out and become yellowed over time due to the government’s complicity.

Time and time again, Duterte has remained an instigator in instances relating to police brutality in the country. Luckily, the Philippines can combat pearl discoloration through the implementation of robust policies that would ensure increased transparency within police departments.

Freshly elected Philippine President Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. makes the restoration of the yellowed pearl an achievable goal. At the 121st Police Service anniversary celebration held at Camp General Rafael T. Crame in Quezon City—the national headquarters of the PNP—Marcos Jr. brings an opportunity for redemption. Aside from calling the PNP officers “vanguards of peace,” Marcos Jr. urged them to continue serving the community with integrity in order to restore public confidence.

“The use of force must always be reasonable, justifiable, and only undertaken when necessary. Execution of authority must be fair, it must be impartial,” Marcos Jr. said . “It must be devoid of favoritism and discrimination, regardless of race, gender, social economic status, political affiliation, [and] religious belief. It is only then that you can effectively sustain with great respect and wide support the authority that you possess as uniformed servicemen of the Republic.”

Beyond this, Marcos Jr. highlighted his hope for reforming the police system under the leadership of newly installed PNP Chief Police General Rodolfo Azurin Jr. Moreover, Marcos Jr.’s aspirations to increase accountability within police departments will be complemented by Azurin Jr.’s launching of a peace and security framework titled “MKK=K” or “Malasakit + Kaayusan + Kapayapaan = Kaunlaran” which translates to policies founded on “the combination of care, order and peace shall equate to progress.”

On the other hand, it is understandable if Filipino citizens and human rights activists have lost hope for the possibility of achieving meaningful progress in reforming the broken police system. Marcos Jr. is the son of Ferdinand Marcos Sr. , an ousted dictator who infamously declared martial law in the country, and Filipinos are still navigating the trauma of the Marcos era 50 years later.

Currently, Marcos Jr. pledges to continue the campaign against illegal drugs but with an emphasis on drug prevention and rehabilitation . Under this new framework, the Department of the Interior and Local Government (DILG) implemented a program dubbed “Buhay Ingatan, Droga’y Ayawan (Value Life, Shun Drugs)” which aims to address the root of the problem by suppressing the demand for illegal drugs. According to DILG Secretary Benjamin ‘Benhur’ Abalos Jr., the initiative needs support and solidarity from all sectors of the community in order to ensure its effectiveness.

Simultaneously, Marcos Jr. has no intention to cooperate with the International Criminal Court (ICC) on their investigation of the country’s drug war killings. Based on the ICC ’s official website, their purpose “is intended to complement, not to replace, national criminal systems; it prosecutes cases only when States do not are unwilling or unable to do so genuinely.” However, Marcos Jr. stated in an interview that “The ICC, very simply, is supposed to take action when a country no longer has a functioning judiciary… That condition does not exist in the Philippines. So I do not see what role the ICC will play in the Philippines.”

Nearly five months into Marcos Jr.’s administration, the University of the Philippines’ Dahas Project revealed that 152 people have died in anti-drug police raids as of Nov. 30. The report further disclosed that the drug casualties under Marcos Jr. “[are] exceeding the 149 killings recorded during the final six months of the Duterte government. During the first half of the year under Duterte, the average daily rate was 0.8. So far under Marcos, the rate stands at one per day.”

In the Philippines, police officers have repeatedly assumed the roles of prosecutor, judge, jury, and executioner. HRW Deputy Director for Asia Phil Robertson points out shortcomings in Marcos Jr.’s campaigns describing that “Using a drug rehabilitation approach means little when police and mystery gunmen are still executing suspected drug users and dealers. Law enforcers should receive clear orders to stop the ‘drug war’ enforcement once and for all.” The only way to effectively mitigate police killings in the Philippines is by abandoning violent and punitive measures against illegal drugs.

Ultimately, despite these obstacles, the yellowed pearl can still brighten. Under new leadership for both the national government and police department, the Philippines may embark on a journey of reconstruction and rehabilitation. In this process, the hope is to finally shed light on the issue of police violence in the country, implement fruitful solutions to combat the problem and advocate for innocent victims who might have felt invisible in their battle against police brutality. Once the light has been restored, the Philippines can finally live up to its billing as the beautiful and pure “Pearl of the Orient Seas”.

Laurinne Jamie Eugenio

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Police Violence and Corruption in the Philippines: Violent Exchange and the War on Drugs

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Asian Education and Development Studies

ISSN : 2046-3162

Article publication date: 26 November 2019

Issue publication date: 31 March 2020

The purpose of this paper is to analyse police corruption in the Philippines and to assess measures to control it.

Design/methodology/approach

The paper identifies the causes of police corruption and assesses anti-corruption measures adopted by the Philippine National Police and other agencies. The paper utilizes surveys, interviews, reported cases and official documents to determine the extent of police corruption, identify its causes and assess the effectiveness of anti-corruption measures.

Police corruption is systemic in the Philippines. Political and economic circumstances, both historical and contemporary, combined with weak internal controls and other inadequate anti-corruption measures perpetuate systemic police corruption.

Originality/value

The paper contributes to the academic literature on police corruption in the Philippines. It would be of interest to policymakers, scholars, as well as anti-corruption and development practitioners who are involved in institutional and governance reforms.

• Organizational culture
• Office of the Ombudsman
• Police corruption
• Philippine National Police

Acknowledgements

The author would like to thank Kevin Agojo, Yegor Barroquillo, Carlo Manongsong, Karl Deximo and Michelle Sta. Romana for their research assistance.

Batalla, E.V.C. (2020), "Police corruption and its control in the Philippines", Asian Education and Development Studies , Vol. 9 No. 2, pp. 157-168. https://doi.org/10.1108/AEDS-05-2018-0099

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Police corruption in the Philippines undermines community trust due to systemic issues, weak controls, and historical factors, impacting the effectiveness of anti-corruption measures and governance reforms.

The paper discusses anti-corruption measures adopted by the Philippine National Police and other agencies to address police corruption in the Philippines.

The paper identifies the causes of police corruption and assesses anti-corruption measures, but does not provide a specific timeline for when reports of abuse from the police will end in the Philippines.

• DOI: 10.1177/186810341803700202
• Corpus ID: 54594757

Police Violence and Corruption in the Philippines: Violent Exchange and the War on Drugs

• Steffen Jensen , Karl Hapal
• Published in Journal of Current Southeast… 1 August 2018
• Political Science, Sociology

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The causes of police corruption and working towards prevention in conflict-stricken states.

1. Introduction

2. defining police corruption and outlining its main practices.

• Corruption of authority—attaining perks without contravening the law, such as receiving free meals, beverages, and services.
• Kickbacks—money, services, or goods obtained for business referrals promoting a company or individual.
• Opportunistic theft—stealing from people who have been arrested, engaged in accidents, or from victims or deceased persons.
• Turning a blind eye—bribes undertaken for omitting a felony, arrest, or seizure of property.
• Protection of illegal activities—protecting criminal groups or individuals engaged in illegal practices, such as protection rackets (drugs, gambling, and prostitution rings) in vice areas.
• Fixing—undermining criminal investigation or deliberately losing traffic or speeding tickets.
• Direct criminal activities—engaging in a crime against an individual or property to attain individual advantage.
• Internal payoffs—when promotions, annual leave, and shift allocations are bought, traded, and vended.
• Adding or planting of evidence—when evidence is planted to frame an individual or group, which is usually within drug cases ( Roebuck and Barker 1974 ; Punch 1985 ; Carter 1990 ; Sayed and Bruce 1998 ; Barker 2006 ).

3. Main Causes of Police Corruption

4. consequences of police corruption in developing and volatile environments, 5. prevention strategies to curb police corruption in hostile states, 6. conclusions, institutional review board statement, informed consent statement, data availability statement, conflicts of interest.

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Singh, D. The Causes of Police Corruption and Working towards Prevention in Conflict-Stricken States. Laws 2022 , 11 , 69. https://doi.org/10.3390/laws11050069

Singh D. The Causes of Police Corruption and Working towards Prevention in Conflict-Stricken States. Laws . 2022; 11(5):69. https://doi.org/10.3390/laws11050069

Singh, Danny. 2022. "The Causes of Police Corruption and Working towards Prevention in Conflict-Stricken States" Laws 11, no. 5: 69. https://doi.org/10.3390/laws11050069

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The Philippines: a social structure of corruption

• Published: 06 February 2024

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The anticorruption community largely views corruption as a government or development issue. But in the Philippines, corruption is a social structure. The very social bonds and social structures that are good at building civic unity and solidarity are also good at spreading and maintaining corruption, and this is why corruption is so difficult to remove. Patrons use these societal features to implement a ubiquitous social structure of corruption by means of maneuvered friendships that makes it difficult for the masses to know when a patron is acting as a friend or foe. The social structure encompasses the whole of society and corrupts the encircled government, political, and development systems as easily as it infiltrates all other segments of society. It is why oversight and sector-based anticorruption initiatives underperform, and why initiatives must pivot towards addressing this social structure.

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Anti-corruption Institutions: Some History and Theory

Corruption as a political phenomenon.

International Anti-Corruption Initiatives: a Classification of Policy Interventions

Data availability.

The author’s interview notes generated during and/or analyzed during the current study are not publicly available to help ensure confidentiality of the interviewees, but are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.

Pronounced ‘leader’ in English, lider is a term used in the Philippines specifically referring to individuals (or leaders) in the community that are sought by candidates to convince the electorate to vote for that particular candidate. Liders are the individuals that perform the physical exchange of money for votes with the electorate.

A barangay is the lowest level of elected government. Each city or municipality is comprised of multiple barangays (villages).

See Appendix for a full list of respondents.

Interviews 2–3, 6, 14–16, 18–20, 22, 25, 39, 41–42, 44–50.

Utang na loob is usually translated as “debt of gratitude.” The literal translation is “debt of inside” or “internal debt.” It can also be translated as “reciprocity” or “lifelong reciprocation.”

Interviews 1,14,21,24,42–44.

The paper uses the term ‘client’ to represent the economically lower-class voters who are in clientelistic relationships with political families/candidates (patrons).

Interviews 1,14,24,42–44.

Clans are a connection of least ten extended families – usually more – where each extended family could have more than a hundred members. Clans then have a minimum of a thousand members and usually much more.

Interviews 2,5–6,9–10,14–51.

Interviews 3–6,9–10,12,14–23,25–26,27–51.

Interviews 3–6, 9–10,12,14–23,25–26,27–51.

Interviews 14–22,25–26,39,47–50.

Interviews 16,22,27–38.

Interviews 14,16,21,24,39,42–44.

Interviews 16,22.

Interview 22.

Interview 23.

Interviews 1,20.

Interviews 2,5,14–23,26,32–39,41,45,47–51.

Interviews 15–16,20,22.

Interviews 27–31.

Interview 24.

Interviews 2,6,10.

Interview 22–23.

Interviews 14,18,32–38.

Interviews 32–38.

Interviews 1,10,18–22,32–38,47–49,50–51.

Interviews 2–4,6,14–15,20,22,40,45–49.

Interview 16.

Interviews 2–3.

Interview 3.

Interviews 1,3–6,10,12,15,50.

Interview 15.

Interviews 2–3,6,15.

BARMM consists of the region formally known as the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) plus the addition of Cotabato City and villages in northern Cotabato.

Interviews 3–4.

Interview 1.

Interview 3–4,6,10,12.

Interview 7.

Interviews 2–3,6,14–16,18–20,22,25,39,41–42,44–50.

Interviews 1,3–7,10,12,14–15.

Interviews 1,3–4,6,9–10,14,16–18,24.

Interviews 1, 3–4,6,9–10,14,16–18,24.

COMELEC is the Commission on Elections in charge of ensuring fair and free elections.

Interviews 3–4,6–7.

Interview 6.

Interviews 14–15,25–26.

Interviews 14–16,25–26,32–38.

Interviews 14–15,25–26,32–38.

Interviews 14–16,20,22–23,25–38.

Interview 21.

Interview 2.

Interview 14,21,49.

Interviews 2,16,20,22–23,27–31.

Interviews 1,2.

Interviews 52,54–59,61–64,66–67.

Interviews 6,14,16,18–19,21–23,25,50.

Interviews 3–4,18,52,54–59,61–64,66–67.

Interviews 3–4,6–8,52,54–55,56–58,61,64.

Interviews 2–3,6,14–16,18–22,25,39,41–42,44–50.

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A broken vow: an examination of the cases of Corruption in the Philippines

• Christian Gonzales Isabela State University - Cauayan https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7712-359X

The problem of corruption in the Philippines seems to be humongous as if no solution is available for its cure. This study used a descriptive and qualitative research design. It exposed the anti-corruption laws and the cases decided by the various Philippine courts. It found out that even with the existence of laws as well as the removal or the conviction of several government officials and employees, corrupt practices seem to be undeterred. The continuance of corruption in the country resulted to the promise of President Duterte to be a broken vow.

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Ombudsman. (2017, October 27). OMB indicts immigration commissioners in extortion plot for plunder. Retrieved December 4, 2020, from Office of the Ombudsman: https://www.ombudsman.gov.ph/omb-indicts-immigration-commissioners-in-extortion-plot-for-plunder/

Parpan, L., & Lardizabal, C. (2017, July 31). Senate alleges corruption and incompetence in customs bureau over biggest haul yet of shabu smuggled into PH. Retrieved December 4, 2020, from CNN Philippines: https://cnnphilippines.com/news/2017/07/31/senate-probe-customs-drugs-china-faeldon.html

Press, A. (2017, March 15). Philippine lawmakers kill impeachment case against Duterte. Retrieved November 30, 2020, from USA Today: https://www.usatoday.com/story/news/world/2017/05/15/philippine-lawmakers-kill-impeachment-case-against-duterte/101700122/

Purugganan, J. (2019, May 8). Selective Transparency, Inconsistent Accountability:Unpacking Duterte’s Anti-Corruption Campaign. Retrieved December 5, 2020, from Focus on the Global South: https://focusweb.org/selective-transparency-inconsistent-accountabilityunpacking-dutertes-anti-corruption-campaign/

R.C.C. NO. 40 Saturday, July 26, 1986. (n.d.). Retrieved from Official Gazette: https://www.officialgazette.gov.ph/1986/07/26/r-c-c-no-40-saturday-july-26-1986/

Ranada, P. (2016, June 22). Duterte to gov't employees: One whiff of corruption, you're out. Rappler, p. n/a. Retrieved December 4, 2020, from https://www.rappler.com/nation/duterte-government-employees-corruption

Ranada, P. (2020, October 27). Duterte orders DOJ to probe corruption 'in entire government'. Retrieved from Rappler: https://www.rappler.com/nation/duterte-orders-doj-investigate-corruption-entire-philippine-government

Reyes, R. G. (2020, April 30). A Corona we will never forget. The Manila Times, p. n/a. Retrieved December 3, 2020, from https://www.manilatimes.net/2020/04/30/opinion/columnists/a-corona-we-will-never-forget/720683/

Risk and Compliance Portal. (2020, May ). Retrieved from Gan Integrity: https://www.ganintegrity.com/portal/country-profiles/the-philippines/

Santos, E. P. (2016, December 16). Immigration officials face graft charges over extortion scandal. CNN Philippines, p. n/a. Retrieved December 4, 2020, from https://cnnphilippines.com/news/2016/12/16/Sombero-files-graft-charges-vs.-Immigration-officials.html

Seigel, J. (2003, March 3). Philippine citizens overthrow President Joseph Estrada (People Power II), 2001. Retrieved November 30, 2020, from Global Nonviolent Action Database: https://nvdatabase.swarthmore.edu/content/philippine-citizens-overthrow-president-joseph-estrada-people-power-ii-2001

Tejada, A. P. (2016, February 20). Duterte vows to end criminality in 3 months. Retrieved December 5, 2020, from The Philippine Star: https://www.philstar.com/headlines/2016/02/20/1555349/duterte-vows-end-criminality-3-months

Trading Economics. (2019). Philippines Corruption Rank 1995-2019. Retrieved from https://tradingeconomics.com/philippines/corruption-rank

Transparency International. (2019). Corruption Index Report 2019. Retrieved from Transparency Intertanational The global coalition against corruption: https://www.transparency.org/files/content/pages/2019_CPI_Report_EN.pdf

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A look at how corruption works in the Philippines

The Philippines is perceived to be one of the most corrupt countries in the world. Of 180 countries, the Philippines ranked 116 in terms of being least corrupt. This means that the country is almost on the top one-third of the most corrupt countries, based on the Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) published by Transparency International.

According to CPI, the Philippines scored a total of 33 points out of 100. Even as far back as 2012, it has fluctuated around the same CPI score, with the highest score being 38 points in 2014 and the lowest being 33 points in 2021 and 2022. To further contextualize how low it scored, the regional average CPI score for the Asia-Pacific region is 45, with zero as highly corrupt. And of the 31 countries and territories in the region, the Philippines placed 22nd (tied with Mongolia).

It must be noted, however, that CPI measures perceptions of corruption and is not necessarily the reality of the state of corruption. CPI reflects the views of experts or surveys of business people on a number of corrupt behavior in the public sector (such as bribery, diversion of public funds, nepotism in the civil service, use of public office for private gain, etc.). CPI also measures the available mechanisms to prevent corruption, such as enforcement mechanisms, effective prosecution of corrupt officials, red tape, laws on adequate financial disclosure and legal protection for whistleblowers.

These data are taken from other international organizations, such as the World Bank, World Economic Forum, private consulting companies and think tanks.

Of course, measuring actual corruption is quite difficult, especially as it involves under-the-table activities that are only discovered when they are prosecuted, like in the case of the ill-gotten wealth of the Marcoses, which was estimated to be up to $10 billion based on now-deleted Guinness World Records and cited as the “biggest robbery of a government.” Nevertheless, there still exists a correlation between corruption and corruption perceptions.

4 Syndromes

Corruption does not come in a single form as well. In a 2007 study, Michael Johnston, a political scientist and professor emeritus at Colgate University in the United States, studied four syndromes (categories) of corruption that were predominant in Asia, citing Japan, Korea, China and the Philippines as prime examples of each category.

The first category is Influence Market Corruption, wherein politicians peddle their influence to provide connections to other people, essentially serving as middlemen. The second category is Elite Cartel Corruption, wherein there exist networks of elites that may collude to protect their economic and political advantages. The third form of corruption is the Official Mogul Corruption, wherein economic moguls (or their clients) are usually the top political figures and face few constraints from the state or their competitors.

Finally, there is the form of corruption that the Philippines is familiar with. Oligarch-and-Clan Corruption is present in countries with major political and economic liberalization and weak institutions. Corruption of this kind has been characterized by Johnston as having “disorderly, sometimes violent scramble among contending oligarchs seeking to parlay personal resources into wealth and power.” Other than the Philippines, corruption in Bangladesh, India, Malaysia, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka falls under the same syndrome.

In the Philippines, Oligarch-and-Clan Corruption manifests itself in the political system. As Johnston noted, in this kind of corruption, there is difficulty in determining what is public and what is private (i.e., who is a politician and who is an entrepreneur). Oligarchs attempt to use their power for their private benefit or the benefit of their families. From the Aquinos, Binays, Dutertes, Roxases and, most notoriously, the Marcoses, the Philippines is no stranger to political families. In a 2017 chart by Todd Cabrera Lucero, he traced the lineage of Philippine presidents and noted them to be either related by affinity or consanguinity.

Corruption in the Philippines by oligarch families is not unheard of. In fact, the most notable case of corruption in the Philippines was committed by an oligarchic family—the Marcos family. The extent of the wealth stolen by former dictator Ferdinand Marcos Sr. and his wife has been well-documented. In fact, several Supreme Court cases clearly show the extent of the wealth that the Marcoses had stolen.

In an Oligarch-and-Clan system of corruption, oligarchs will also leverage whatever governmental authority they have to their advantage. Going back to the Marcos example, despite their convictions, the Marcoses have managed to weasel their way back into power, with Ferdinand Marcos Jr. becoming the 17th President despite his conviction for tax violation. Several politicians have also been convicted of graft and corruption (or have at least been hounded by allegations of corruption) and still remain in politics. As observed by Johnston in his article, though Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos are the popular images of corruption in the Philippines, he also noted other entrenched oligarchs throughout the country.

Finally, factions also tend to be “unstable and poorly disciplined.” The term “balimbing” is often thrown around in local politics but, more than that, the Philippines is also familiar with politically-motivated violence and disorder.

All these features are characteristics of Oligarch-and-Clan corruption, where these oligarchic families continue to hold power and politicians exploit their positions to enrich themselves or their families.

Corruption, no matter what kind, needs to be curbed. It results in loss of government money, which could have been used to boost the economy and help ordinary citizens, especially those from the lower income sectors.

According to the 2007 study, the Office of the Ombudsman had, in 1999, pegged losses arising from corruption at P100 million daily, whereas the World Bank estimates the losses at one-fifth of the national government budget. For relatively more updated figures, former Deputy Ombudsman Cyril Ramos claimed that the Philippines had lost a total of P1.4 trillion in 2017 and 2018. These estimates are in line with the World Bank estimates of one-fifth (or 20 percent) of the national budget.

So grave is the adverse effect of corruption that the international community recognized it as an international crime under the United Nations Convention Against Corruption where perpetual disqualification of convicted officials is recommended.

But the question stands: can corruption be eradicated in developing countries like the Philippines? Many Philippine presidents promised to end corruption in their political campaigning, but none has achieved it so far. If the government truly wants to end corruption, it must implement policies directed against corruption, such as lifting the bank secrecy law, prosecuting and punishing corrupt officials, increasing government transparency and more. INQ

This is part of the author’s presentation at DPI 543 Corruption: Finding It and Fixing It course at Harvard Kennedy School, where he is MPA/Mason fellow.

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This article reflects the personal opinion of the author and not the official stand of the Management Association of the Philippines or MAP. He is a member of MAP Tax Committee and MAP Ease of Doing Business Committee, co-chair of Paying Taxes on Ease of Doing Business Task Force and chief tax advisor of Asian Consulting Group. Feedback at [email protected] and [email protected] .

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Diagnosing Factors behind Officers’ Performance in the Philippine National Police

ASOG WORKING PAPER 20-005

33 Pages Posted: 10 Mar 2020 Last revised: 11 Mar 2020

Ronald U. Mendoza

Ateneo De Manila University - Ateneo School of Government

Emerald Jay Ilac

Ateneo de Manila

Ariza Francisco

Ateneo de Manila University - Ateneo School of Government

Jelo Michael S. Casilao

Affiliation not provided to ssrn.

Date Written: February 21, 2020

The Philippine National Police (PNP) faces myriad challenges, spanning governance, corruption and national security threats. Hence, securing a strong leadership pipeline equipped not only to face these challenges, but also to strengthen policing effectiveness and over-all security sector reforms is crucial. This study aims to map out some of the main factors that both build or erode key leadership qualities and performance in the PNP. Using quantitative and qualitative methods, the study examines four main factors, namely personality traits, organizational culture, demographic profile and professional history, as predictor of performance for officers in the National Capital Region. It finds evidence that personality traits, specifically openness, agreeableness and neuroticism, as well as number of transfers, area of assignment, training on managerial skills, age and education level are all factors for good performance for officers in the PNP National Capital Region Police Office. These results emphasize the importance of training and mentoring components in preparing young officers and recruits for the rigors of service. It also underscores the need for a deeper analysis of recruitment and selection policies, to ensure that the PNP successfully attracts the strongest candidates with the right leadership characteristics and building blocks for service.

Keywords: police performance, Philippine National Police, personality, organizational culture

Suggested Citation: Suggested Citation

Ateneo De Manila University - Ateneo School of Government ( email )

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‘Kotong’ cops return amid pandemic, says Lacson

Senator Ping Lacson—INQUIRER file photo / EDWIN BACASMAS

MANILA, Philippines — The culture of corruption in the law enforcement sector has returned amid the COVID-19 pandemic, with the practice of corrupt police officers having evolved from mulcting cash to traders’ merchandise, Sen. Panfilo Lacson revealed on Saturday.

Lacson made the disclosure to illustrate how the government’s anti-corruption campaign, which has supposedly been aimed at going only after the small fry, is bound to fail without the practice of “leadership by example.”

“‘Kotong’ is back but in a different form. For some reason, police now present vendors with a list of items they should give them, such as a cut of the fruits, vegetables, or whatever they are sending,” Lacson said.

The senator was citing reports of alleged extortion activities by unscrupulous policemen in the commercial district of Divisoria in Manila, based on accounts of vendors selling their wares in the area.

Lacson said the day-to-day corruption as shown by the return of “kotong” was one reason why the government and the public cannot turn a blind eye to corruption.

He said the answer to this problem should not only be to punish erring police officers, but also for the country’s leaders to practice leadership by example, similar to how he supposedly got rid of “kotong” cops during his stint as chief of the Philippine National Police.

Back in the day, vegetable traders transporting goods from La Trinidad town in Benguet to Metro Manila had to shell out P1,000 to “kotong” cops, he said.

When the PNP leadership kicked out the rogues from its ranks, this resulted in savings for vendors, who no longer had to charge extra for their vegetables just so they could meet the “quota” from the extorting policemen, the senator said.

“Now we’re back to that old ‘kotong’ system, because police officers, for some reason, only give out a list of items to the traders, which, in turn, should be given to them as bribe, whether in the form of fruits, vegetables, and other merchandise,” he said.

Corruption is also harming teachers, according to Lacson, through the poor distribution of government subsidies for them.

He added the government might need to tweak its microfinancing program for teachers, so they would not be forced to borrow money from loan sharks—to the point of pawning their ATM cards where their salaries are deposited.

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Who Will Protect Us From Our Protectors?

The video has made its way around social media by now. A heated argument that was initially about firecrackers devolved into violence and ended up with two unarmed individuals crumpling to the ground, dead from gunshot wounds to the head. 

And the person holding the literal smoking gun was, no surprise, a policeman.

It’s a chilling video; one that will stay in the minds of those who’ve seen it for a long time. But make no mistake—a huge reason this issue blew up the way it did is because of this video. There’s little room for doubt about what exactly happened in one of the most shocking instances of police overstepping their bounds and abusing the power they wield.

We’ve all known the police in this country leaves much to be desired. In a country with a population over 100 million, Filipino law enforcers have their work cut out for them ( studies say the Philippines has one of the smallest forces per population in the world), but reports such as what happened in Paniqui, Tarlac only reinforces the impression that, for many people, police just can’t be trusted.

And if there are still people unconvinced that this is an isolated incident, here’s a look back at some of the most recent high-profile crime stories where the police, ironically enough, were the suspected perpetrators: 

August 16, 2017

Seventeen-year-old Kian Delos Santos is killed near his home in Caloocan City. CCTV video released later showed policemen dragging Kian through the streets and shooting him, although officers initially said the victim shot at them and they were merely defending themselves.

March 29, 2020

Two policemen were the main suspects in the rape of two female detainees in Marikina. The victims underwent custodial debriefing, after which the cops allegedly brought them to an office where they were sexually assaulted.

April 21, 2020

At the height of stay-at-home orders due to the coronavirus pandemic, a police officer shot and killed Winston Ragos in Brgy Pasong Putik in Quezon City. Reports said the 33-year-old former infrantryman with the Armed Forces of the Philippines was reaching for something inside his shoulder bag when the cop shot him twice.

April 27, 2020

A secret detention cell was discovered behind a bookshelf inside Station 1 of the Manila Police District. A total of 12 men and women were being kept inside the cell for at least 10 days, inside the cramped space that was poorly ventilated. Police said they were processing the papers of the prisoners and initially refused to let the detainees out.

July 2, 2020

A 15-year-old girl was raped and then killed , allegedly by police officers from San Juan, Ilocos Sur. The girl and her 18-year-old cousin was reportedly detained first for violating curfew on June 28 while she was on her way home. After they filed a complaint with the Cabugao police station, the victim was shot and killed by two men on a motorcycle. The suspects were later identified as police officers.

October 29, 2020

Cadets from the Philippine National Police Academy are being investigated for the alleged hazing of fellow PNPA cadet John Desiderio. The victim had to undergo an operation after he was diagnosed with internal bleeding October 29.

November 11, 2020

Baguio City resident Harjan Lagman’s headless body was found in the town of Tublay, Benguet last month. Suspects were later identified to be two members of the Cordillera regional police drug enforcement unit. On December 18 it was reported that the DEU had been disbanded.

With the exception of Kian delos Santos’ case, all of these are just incidents within the last two years. We’re well aware that there are many more cases involving the police in previous years. And we're not holding our breath that things will get better in the coming years, no matter how much we want it to be so.

Some people say that these are just isolated incidents, but if the police, who are supposed to protect us from bad things, are the very people committing said bad things, who will protect us from our protectors?

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Home — Essay Samples — Government & Politics — Corruption — The Problem of Corruption and Its Examples in Philippines

The Problem of Corruption and Its Examples in Philippines

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Alexander Vuving on the Political Legacies of Nguyen Phu Trong

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The late party chief “left behind a party-state that governs mostly by control and coercion rather than consensus and legitimacy.”

U.S. President Joe Biden and Nguyen Phu Trong, general secretary of the Communist Party of Vietnam, attend a welcoming ceremony for Biden at the Presidential Palace in Hanoi, September 10, 2023.

On July 19, Nguyen Phu Trong, the long-serving general secretary of the Communist Party of Vietnam (CPV), died at the age of 80 . His passing appears to have marked the end of an era in Vietnam. During his 13 years at the apex of the Party, Trong arguably did more than any other figure to shape the tone and direction of Vietnamese politics: he purged corrupt officials, clamped down tightly on dissent, and adroitly positioned Vietnam in a turbulent and fast-changing world.

To assess Trong’s political and foreign policy legacy, and the country’s possible future trajectory under his successors, The Diplomat’s Southeast Asia Editor Sebastian Strangio spoke with Alexander Vuving , a professor at the Daniel K. Inouye Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies in Honolulu.

What do you think will be Trong’s main domestic political legacies, and what impact did his policies have on Vietnamese society as a whole? Place him in the context of the CPV’s history; how did he conceive of the Party’s role, as a locus of political and/or moral leadership?

Nguyen Phu Trong was at the helm of the Vietnamese party-state for more than 13 years. During this long period of time, he focused his policy-making efforts on party-building, in which field he had a doctoral degree and the title of professor. This focus was due in part to his belief that the mission of the Communist Party is to lead the country and thus the Party must both stand on the moral high ground and possess the power needed to govern the country. Throughout his three terms, he fought a two-front battle against corruption and liberalism while trying to “confine power within the institutional cage,” as he said. He was most famous for his “blazing furnace,” a metaphor he created to refer to his anti-corruption campaign, which targeted not only graft and cronyism but also liberal thoughts. He said more than once that “political decadence,” by which he meant primarily liberalism, was more dangerous than economic corruption.

Highly risk-averse, he held back political and economic reform. He also relied on the authorities rather than the populace to fight corruption. A key principle of his anti-corruption campaign was, to use his own analogy, “striking the rats (the corrupt officials) without breaking the vase (the Party and the regime).” His building of the “institutional cage” followed a centralized approach to governance. His “blazing furnace” positioned the security and police apparatus as the gatekeeper and executor of the campaign. The centralization of policy-making, the reliance on the security and police forces, and the purge of liberal thoughts have enormously changed Vietnam’s political system. As a result, Trong left behind a party-state that governs mostly by control and coercion rather than consensus and legitimacy. Just a decade ago, the CPV was more dynamic and less centralized than it is today. By the same token, the largest impact of Trong’s policies on society at large was the shrinking of space for civil society.

As things stand, who do you think stands the best chance of inheriting Trong’s mantle as party chief at the next National Congress in early 2026?

As things stand today, General Secretary To Lam has the largest chance to be elected – or re-elected in his case – Party chief in early 2026. If nothing happens to him, he will preside over the preparations for the next CPV Congress, including the selection of Party chief. He will pass the age limit (65 years) for the re-elected Politburo members including the Party chief. But the rule has been substantially weakened in the past, as it was waived for more than one leader, including Party chief Trong, at the last two CPV Congresses, in 2016 and 2021. Another waiver of the rule to keep Lam as Party chief is quite possible. And Lam has something that none of his predecessors did. Unlike any previous Party chief, he was a former security and police chief and enjoys strong backup by the security and police apparatus, which has been extremely privileged and become extremely powerful as a result of the anti-corruption campaign.

Can you elaborate on what motivated Trong’s anti-corruption campaign? How successful was it, and how do you think it will fare under new leadership?

Trong launched the anti-corruption campaign in late 2011, less than a year after being elected CPV chief. The central motive of his campaign was to rescue the Party from decay. As he repeatedly said, “corruption is threatening the survival of the Party.” The campaign was very successful on the surface: thousands of Party and government officials, including many high-ranking leaders, were sacked in its name. But a deeper look tells a different story. The campaign completely avoided tackling the root cause of corruption in the system while being largely utilized as a weapon in the inner-party “game of thrones.” As it proved to be an excellent tool for power competition, it will continue to be taken advantage of by people in power going forward.

In the wake of Trong’s death, we have seen a lot of praise for his notion of “bamboo diplomacy” and his ability to balance deftly between the major powers. That said, omnidirectional balancing has been a hallmark of Vietnam’s foreign policy since the end of the Cold War. Aside from coining the phrase, how much credit does Trong deserve for this, and do you foresee any changes to Vietnam’s foreign policy orientation in the years to come?

Trong didn’t coin the term “bamboo diplomacy” – the Thais did. In the 1980s, some of Vietnam’s foreign policy elites argued that unlike their country, which suffered long periods of war, Thailand was able to avoid war and get on a development path because it pursued “bamboo diplomacy.” The term referred to a foreign policy approach that is flexible regarding the ideological and strategic alignment with the major powers. The debate continued into the 1990s, but the prevailing argument was that “bamboo diplomacy” was unsuited for Vietnam’s principled foreign policy.

However, Vietnam’s foreign policy underwent a turning point in 2003 when the Communist Party adopted a new national security strategy that removed ideology as the key criterion for determining friends and foes in Vietnam’s foreign relations. This paved the way for a more flexible, less ideological version of the omnidirectional foreign policy that Vietnam had pursued since the end of the Cold War. Two major reviews of this national security strategy in 2013 and 2023, both under Trong’s leadership, reaffirmed its key tenets .

Although Trong didn’t coin the term “bamboo diplomacy, he popularized it as a distinctive feature of Vietnam’s strategic behavior. He gave a metaphor that helped to capture the essence of Vietnam’s omnidirectional foreign policy. He articulated this essence in a way that was easy to understand. He also practiced it at a highly sophisticated level. During his 13 years in power, Vietnam became the “comprehensive strategic partner” of all major powers in the Indo-Pacific region, from Russia and India to South Korea, the United States, Japan, and Australia (Vietnam and China became each other’s first comprehensive strategic partner in 2008). This was a great feat in an increasingly divided region.

However, Trong did not fully appreciate the epochal changes that are transforming the world and the region. For him, the major world trends today remain the same as those identified in CPV Politburo Resolution 13 of 1988, which anticipated the post-Cold War era.

Nevertheless, subtle changes in Vietnam’s foreign policy are underway. On the one hand, the post-Cold War era is behind us and we are now in the early stage of a new era of heightened great power rivalry and shaken international order. Events in this strategic environment will sooner or later cause a turning point in Vietnam’s foreign policy by directly and fundamentally affecting Vietnam’s quest for security, resources, and identity. On the other, Vietnam’s new leader, To Lam, views the world differently than his predecessor. In an article published the day after he was elected CPV general secretary, he wrote: “Developments in the recent years show that the world is in transition to a new era. The time from now until 2030 will be the most important period to determine the new world order.”

After Trong’s death on July 19, it was reported that many Vietnamese social media users had uploaded black and white versions of their profile pictures in a sign of respect for the CPV leader, and his reportedly incorruptible character. What do you think this says about how Trong was viewed within Vietnamese society? Can we use this to infer anything about popular perceptions of the Party and its rule?

People did this for various reasons. Some genuinely admired him, others did this under peer or social pressure, and still others didn’t want to be blacklisted by the authorities. That said, Trong embodied the ideal official as defined by the traditional Vietnamese culture: an incorruptible mandarin. This image of him contrasted with the reality of the Communist Party as revealed by his anti-corruption campaign. Trong was like the exception that proved the rule. So, for many Vietnamese social media users, this action expressed their high respect for the unbribable leader. But for many others, it was also a subtle form of resistance and protest against the corrupt power, as James C. Scott has eloquently discussed in his works on the Southeast Asian peasants.

What impact do you think a possible second Trump term could have on Vietnam?

It would be highly speculative to talk about what a second Trump administration would do partly because most of the polls are forecasting a Harris win and partly because Trump is very unpredictable. That said, there are several ways in which Trump’s America might affect Vietnam directly or indirectly. First, Trump is likely to pressure Vietnam to reduce its trade surplus with the United States. As this is extremely hard for Vietnam to do since the surplus is structural, Hanoi will probably have to find a way to compensate for this bad optic.

Second, a United States under Trump may put more pressure on Vietnam to take its side in its rivalry with China. A second Trump administration may be more confrontational than the Biden administration against China, causing Beijing to be more assertive in the South China Sea and the Mekong Subregion. Trump may also threaten to reduce U.S. commitment to Asia, creating a sort of power vacuum where China will step in. Trump is likely to turn his back on the international institutions and rules, thus further weakening the international order. Any of these possibilities will place Vietnam before a big dilemma that necessitates a rethink of Vietnam’s grand strategy.

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What happened in the Kolkata rape case that triggered doctors’ protests?

Activists and doctors in India demand better safeguarding of women and medical professionals after a trainee medic was raped and murdered in Kolkata.

Activists and doctors across India continued to protest on Wednesday to demand justice for a female doctor, who was raped and murdered while on duty in a hospital in the eastern city of Kolkata.

Feminist groups rallied on the streets in protests titled “Reclaim the Night” in Kolkata overnight on Wednesday – on the eve of India’s independence day – in solidarity with the victim, demanding the principal of RG Kar Medical College resign. Some feminist protesters also marched well beyond Kolkata, including in the capital Delhi.

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While the protests were largely peaceful, a small mob of men stormed the medical college and vandalised property. This group was dispersed by the police.

This comes after two days of nationwide protests by doctors following the incident at RG Kar Medical College in West Bengal’s capital city. “Sit-in demonstrations and agitation in the hospital campus will continue,” one of the protesting doctors, identified as Dr Mridul, told Al Jazeera.

Services in some medical centres were halted indefinitely, and marches and vigils shed light on issues of sexual violence, as well as doctors’ safety in the world’s most populous nation.

What happened to the doctor in Kolkata?

A 31-year-old trainee doctor’s dead body, bearing multiple injuries, was found on August 9 in a government teaching hospital in Kolkata.

The parents of the victim were initially told “by hospital authorities that their daughter had committed suicide,” lawyer and women’s rights activist Vrinda Grover told Al Jazeera. But an autopsy confirmed that the victim was raped and killed.

Grover has appeared for victims in sexual violence cases in India in the past, including Bilkis Bano , a Muslim woman who was gang-raped during the 2002 Gujarat riots, and Soni Sori, a tribal activist based in Chhattisgarh state.

Thousands of doctors marched in Kolkata on Monday, demanding better security measures and justice for the victim.

On Tuesday, the Kolkata High Court transferred the case to the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI).

The Federation of Resident Doctors Association (FORDA) called for a nationwide halting of elective services in hospitals starting on Monday. Elective services are medical treatments that can be deferred or are not deemed medically necessary.

On Tuesday, FORDA announced on its X account that it is calling off the strike after Health Minister Jagat Prakash Nadda accepted protest demands.

One of these demands was solidifying the Central Protection Act, intended to be a central law to protect medical professionals from violence, which was proposed in the parliament’s lower house in 2022, but has not yet been enacted.

FORDA said that the ministry would begin working on the Act within 15 days of the news release, and that a written statement from the ministry was expected to be released soon.

Press release regarding call off of strike. In our fight for the sad incident at R G Kar, the demands raised by us have been met in full by the @OfficeofJPNadda , with concrete steps in place, and not just verbal assurances. Central Healthcare Protection Act ratification… pic.twitter.com/OXdSZgM1Jc — FORDA INDIA (@FordaIndia) August 13, 2024

Why are some Indian doctors continuing to protest?

However, other doctors’ federations and hospitals have said they will not back down on the strike until a concrete solution is found, including a central law to curb attacks on doctors.

Those continuing to strike included the Federation of All India Medical Associations (FAIMA), Delhi-based All India Institute Of Medical Sciences (AIIMS) and Indira Gandhi Hospital, local media reported.

Ragunandan Dixit, the general secretary of the AIIMS Resident Doctors’ Association, said that the indefinite strike will continue until their demands are met, including a written guarantee of the implementation of the Central Protection Act.

Medical professionals in India want a central law that makes violence against doctors a non-bailable, punishable offence, in hopes that it deters such violent crimes against doctors in the future.

Those continuing to protest also call for the dismissal of the principal of the college, who was transferred. “We’re demanding his termination, not just transfer,” Dr Abdul Waqim Khan, a protesting doctor told ANI news agency. “We’re also demanding a death penalty for the criminal,” he added.

“Calling off the strike now would mean that female resident doctors might never receive justice,” Dr Dhruv Chauhan, member of the National Council of the Indian Medical Association’s Junior Doctors’ Network told local news agency Press Trust of India (PTI).

Which states in India saw doctors’ protests?

While the protests started in West Bengal’s Kolkata on Monday, they spread across the country on Tuesday.

The capital New Delhi, union territory Chandigarh, Uttar Pradesh capital Lucknow and city Prayagraj, Bihar capital Patna and southern state Goa also saw doctors’ protests.

Who is the suspect in the Kolkata rape case?

Local media reported that the police arrested suspect Sanjoy Roy, a civic volunteer who would visit the hospital often. He has unrestricted access to the ward and the police found compelling evidence against him.

The parents of the victim told the court that they suspect that it was a case of gang rape, local media reported.

Why is sexual violence on the rise in India?

Sexual violence is rampant in India, where 90 rapes were reported on average every day in 2022.

Laws against sexual violence were made stricter following a rape case in 2012, when a 22-year-old physiotherapy intern was brutally gang-raped and murdered on a bus in Delhi. Four men were hanged for the gang rape, which had triggered a nationwide protests.

But despite new laws in place, “the graph of sexual violence in India continues to spiral unabated,” said Grover.

She added that in her experience at most workplaces, scant attention is paid to diligent and rigorous enforcement of the laws.

“It is regrettable that government and institutions respond only after the woman has already suffered sexual assault and often succumbed to death in the incident,” she added, saying preventive measures are not taken.

In many rape cases in India, perpetrators have not been held accountable. In 2002, Bano was raped by 11 men, who were sentenced to life imprisonment. In 2022, the government of Prime Minister Narendra Modi authorised the release of the men, who were greeted with applause and garlands upon their release.

However, their remission was overruled and the Supreme Court sent the rapists back to jail after public outcry.

Grover believes that the death penalty will not deter rapists until India addresses the deeply entrenched problem of sexual violence. “For any change, India as a society will have to confront and challenge, patriarchy, discrimination and inequality that is embedded in our homes, families, cultural practices, social norms and religious traditions”.

What makes this case particularly prominent is that it happened in Kolkata, Sandip Roy, a freelance contributor to NPR, told Al Jazeera. “Kolkata actually prided itself for a long time on being really low in the case of violence against women and being relatively safe for women.”

A National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) report said that Kolkata had the lowest number of rape cases in 2021 among 19 metropolitan cities, with 11 cases in the whole year. In comparison, New Delhi was reported to have recorded 1, 226 cases that year.

Prime Minister Modi’s governing Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has called for dismissing the government in West Bengal, where Kolkata is located, led by Mamata Banerjee of All India Trinamool Congress (AITC). Banerjee’s party is part of the opposition alliance.

Rahul Gandhi, the leader of the opposition in parliament, also called for justice for the victim.

“The attempt to save the accused instead of providing justice to the victim raises serious questions on the hospital and the local administration,” he posted on X on Wednesday.

Roy spoke about the politicisation of the case since an opposition party governs West Bengal. “The local government’s opposition will try to make this an issue of women’s safety in the state,” he said.

Have doctors in India protested before?

Roy explained to Al Jazeera that this case is an overlap of two kinds of violence, the violence against a woman, as well as violence against “an overworked medical professional”.

Doctors in India do not have sufficient workplace security, and attacks on doctors have started protests in India before.

In 2019, two junior doctors were physically assaulted in Kolkata’s Nil Ratan Sircar Medical College and Hospital (NRSMCH) by a mob of people after a 75-year-old patient passed away in the hospital.

Those attacks set off doctors’ protests in Kolkata, and senior doctors in West Bengal offered to resign from their positions to express solidarity with the junior doctors who were attacked.

More than 75 percent of Indian doctors have faced some form of violence, according to a survey by the Indian Medical Association in 2015.

What happens next?

The case will now be handled by the CBI, which sent a team to the hospital premises to inspect the crime scene on Wednesday morning, local media reported.

According to Indian law, the investigation into a case of rape or gang rape is to be completed within two months from the date of lodging of the First Information Report (police complaint), according to Grover, the lawyer.

The highest court in West Bengal, which transferred the case from the local police to the CBI on Tuesday, has directed the central investigating agency to file periodic status reports regarding the progress of the investigation.

The FIR was filed on August 9, which means the investigation is expected to be completed by October 9.

Bengal women will create history with a night long protest in various major locations in the state for at 11.55pm on 14th of August’24,the night that’ll mark our 78th year as an independent country. The campaign, 'Women, Reclaim the Night: The Night is Ours', is aimed at seeking… pic.twitter.com/Si9fd6YGNb — purpleready (@epicnephrin_e) August 13, 2024

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'Political Turmoil in Karnataka: Alva Accuses Modi and Shah of Destabilization Efforts'

Senior congress leader margaret alva accused prime minister narendra modi and home minister amit shah of attempting to destabilize karnataka's government by leveraging governor thaawarchand gehlot. this follows corruption charges against chief minister siddaramaiah. alva urged resistance, recalling a similar past incident. meanwhile, the high court has deferred proceedings against siddaramaiah..

Senior Congress leader Margaret Alva on Tuesday accused Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Home Minister Amit Shah of efforts to destabilize Karnataka's government, utilizing Governor Thaawarchand Gehlot.

Alva claimed the 'Gujarat Duo' are once again manipulating political scenarios to weaken opposition governments, undeterred by past electoral setbacks. Without naming Modi and Shah, she stated, "The Gujarat Duo are at their game again, not having learnt their lesson even after the people of India voted to curtail their power."

Governor Gehlot sanctioned an investigation against Chief Minister Siddaramaiah under the Prevention of Corruption Act. Alva asserted that the Congress-led administration will resist these moves vigorously. Recalling the 1978 dismissal of the Devaraj Urs government, she emphasized the people's support for Siddaramaiah. The Chief Minister, denying all charges, filed a writ petition against the Governor's order. The High Court has temporarily halted proceedings and the BJP has called for Siddaramaiah's resignation.

(With inputs from agencies.)

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Congress Slams BJP for Destabilization Attempts in Karnataka

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