essay on media policy

• A-Z Publications

Annual Review of Political Science

Volume 25, 2022, review article, open access, media and policy making in the digital age.

• Emiliano Grossman 1
• View Affiliations Hide Affiliations Affiliations: Centre for European Studies and Comparative Politics, Sciences Po, Paris, France; email: [email protected]
• Vol. 25:443-461 (Volume publication date May 2022) https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-051120-103422
• First published as a Review in Advance on February 03, 2022
• Copyright © 2022 by Annual Reviews. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. See credit lines of images or other third-party material in this article for license information

Do media influence policy making? To what extent can governments or other actors manipulate this influence? Our understanding of the relationship between media and policy making remains limited, as separate research agendas look at parts of the puzzle in public policy, political communication, and related fields. This article tries to bridge these divides, to show how knowledge from different fields may be complementary, and to point to shortcomings and blind spots in existing research. By bringing different strands together, I show that media, old and new, are the main arena for the battle over the scope of policy conflict. The review discusses different factors determining or influencing media coverage of and influence on policy making, before looking at how governments and administrations deal with media coverage of policy making. I explore how ongoing changes in the media landscape are likely to affect the media–policy making nexus. The final section presents future research directions.

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Introduction: Media Policy and Media Policy Research

• First Online: 14 August 2019

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• Manuel Puppis 5 &
• Hilde Van den Bulck 6  

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This introductory chapter discusses both media policy and the field of media policy research. Focusing on the subject of research first, we deal with media policy, media regulation and media governance, and how they relate to each other. We argue that media policies emanate from and are reflective of more abstract paradigmatic views on the relationship between the state, society and media. Moreover, media policy is not only about the output of policy-making but also about the policy-making process (politics) that takes place within specific institutional structures (polity). In turn, media regulation refers to the specific instruments implemented to achieve specified policy goals and media governance reflects a power shift from governments to new actors and fora. Proceeding to the research field, we follow Lasswell by defining media policy research as encompassing both doing research about media policy and informing media policy-making. We briefly discuss the history of this field of study and the ongoing debate about the relationship between administrative and critical research. The chapter ends by looking at the promise and limitations of the recent trend of evidence-based policy-making and its implication for the analysis of media and communication policy.

Media policy analysis sets out to ‘examine the ways in which policies in the field of communication are generated and implemented, as well as their repercussions or implications for the field of communication as a whole’. (Hansen, Cottle, Negrine, & Newbold, 1998 , p. 67)

Despite Bock, Velleman, and De Veaux’s ( 2015 , p. 1) warning not to call the first chapter “Introduction” because ‘nobody reads the introduction’ (which they felt safe admitting in a footnote ‘because nobody reads footnotes either’), we dared to do so because we believe in our readers. And, apparently, we were right: you even read the notes!

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Further Reading

Braman S. (Ed.). (2003). Communication researchers and policy making . Cambridge: MIT Press.

Fischer, F. (2003). Reframing policy analysis: Discursive politics and deliberative practices . Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Just, N., & Puppis, M. (Eds.). (2012). Trends in communication policy research: New theories, methods and subjects . Bristol; Chicago: Intellect.

Napoli, P. M., & Gillis, N. (2006). Reassessing the potential contribution of communications research to communications policy: The case of media ownership. Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media, 50 (4), 671–691.

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Puppis, M., Van den Bulck, H. (2019). Introduction: Media Policy and Media Policy Research. In: Van den Bulck, H., Puppis, M., Donders, K., Van Audenhove, L. (eds) The Palgrave Handbook of Methods for Media Policy Research. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-16065-4_1

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• School Education /

Essay on Media: Short and Long Sample Essays

• Updated on  
• Dec 18, 2023

Media plays an important role in shaping our perceptions, influencing public opinion, and connecting individuals across the globe. The role of media in today’s modern world is not limited to just providing information. There are three basic purposes of media; inform, educate, and entertain. A society with free media allows it to have a social and cultural impact on it. Media offers us information about every activity going on in the world. Our smartphones, laptops, televisions, radios, and even public transportation have access to media, where we can watch news anytime and anywhere. Media not only influence our thoughts but can often manipulate our understanding of a particular topic. Continue reading essay on media to know more. Stay tuned!

Also Read: Social Media Bane or Boon

Also Read: Essay on Colonialism

Short Essay on Media

‘Media plays an important role in shaping our perceptions, influencing public opinion, and connecting individuals across the globe. Media includes different platforms such as television, radio, newspapers, and the internet. Media is considered a powerful tool to disseminate information and have social, cultural, and political influences on the masses.’

Some of the roles played by the media are:

• Informing the public through newspapers, news channels, and online portals.
• At the push of a button, media can provide us with a large source of information.
• Media has a significant impact on public opinion by framing issues, influencing perceptions, and shaping narratives.
• Some media platforms are considered political watchdogs, scrutinizing the actions of government officials and institutions. 
• Several media platforms rely on advertising revenue, and in turn, they provide a platform for businesses to promote their products and services.

Media can have both positive and negative impacts on an individual and society as a whole. Understanding the role of media and its limitations is important when watching or reading news. Media is meant for informational purposes. Its influence can vary from person to person. Media is a double-edged sword, which can have a negative or positive impact on our understanding, depending on how we perceive information.

Also Read: Essay on Social Issues

Long Essay on Media

‘Media is a great source of information. Some watch media for entertainment, while others for information or educational purposes. The way we perceive media can have a great impact on our understanding of a particular topic or information. In recent years, the influence of media has significantly increased. The role and influence of media is not limited and can take different forms. Newspapers and radio stations are some of the old and most preferred media sources as compared to television and internet media sources. The choices made by editors, the emphasis given to certain stories, and the narratives crafted can significantly impact how we perceive the world.

Types of Media

There are different types of media, which determine our choices.

News media comprises various platforms like SMS, blogs, email, internet, etc. These platforms are used to access and disseminate economic, social and political information. It offers new ways to develop business relationships with telecommunication companies that are capable of disseminating critical information that can change people’s lives.

Mass media includes print (newspapers, magazines), TV and radio. Due to the fast-paced TV and radio media platforms, there has been a significant decline in newspaper readership all over the world. However, there is a section of a group who still prefer newspapers as the best sources of information. On the other hand, TV and radio stations offer live information from different parts of the world.

Community Media

Community media focuses on the development and issues of a particular community. Some journalists work for community newspapers and radio stations within their community. They have their geographical limitations and sometimes are poorly resourced with immature journalists and editors.

What is the Role of Media?

‘Media plays multiple roles, educating and informing us about different fields. Media is not only there for news but also produces some amazing stories, documentaries, magazine programs and articles through its platforms.’

‘Media allows us to raise awareness and public voice against any unethical activity or decision of the government. Apart from sharing information, media has the power to be a catalyst for social change. It serves as a platform for advocacy, shedding light on injustices, and human rights violations, and inspiring collective action. 

We have witnessed how movements for equality and justice have gained momentum through the amplifying effect of media. As responsible citizens, we should support and engage with media that contributes to positive social change.

Different Roles of People in Media

Different people play different roles in the media and mass communication sector. 

• Board of Directors – Their job is to ensure that everyone within the organization fulfills their responsibilities within the given framework. They are the real policymakers within the organization. They are not responsible for day-to-day media programs. Their job is not to influence the work of editorial staff and junior journalists. 
• Media Manager – They are responsible for the formulation and implementation of policies for employees. They keep a check on what their media covers, how they have to do it, and what resources are required for everyday media coverage.
• Editors – There are different editorial teams, based on their roles and responsibilities. It includes editor-in-chief, special projects, financial, business, assignment, entertainment, etc. They are the gatekeepers because they are the final decision-makers on what will be published. They also guide journalists on the sources they would like to see in the story. 
• Sub-editors – They are an important part of a media house as they determine the ‘End product.’ Their role is to edit stories of structure, measure lengths of stories, check factual details, etc. They are responsible for writing news headlines and captions for photographs. These people have to work under strict deadlines. Because of this, their decision can be detrimental to the published stories.
• Reporter/ Journalist – They are the news hunters and gatherers. They make decisions on which stories to cover. It is critical to identify which journalists cover your type of issues and develop a relationship with them. 

Related Articles

Ans: Media plays an important role in shaping our perceptions, influencing public opinion, and connecting individuals across the globe. Media includes different platforms such as television, radio, newspapers, and the internet. 

Ans: There are three types of media: New media, Community media, and mass media.

Ans: Several people perform different roles in a media house, including reporters or journalists, sub-editors, editors, media managers, and the board of directors.

For more information on such interesting topics, visit our essay writing page and follow Leverage Edu .

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2024 Theses Doctoral

Essays on Media and Public Opinion in State and Local Politics

Auslen, Michael Edward

This dissertation explores the roles that the news media and public opinion play in shaping policymaking in American state and local governments, drawing on extensive archives of local newspaper transcripts, media market and circulation data, outputs of the policymaking process in states and municipalities, and measures of public opinion. In the first paper, I show that media coverage is associated with greater policy responsiveness in state legislatures. When legislators are more likely to be covered by local newspapers and television news broadcasts in their districts, they are better at reflecting constituent preferences in roll-call voting. Defying the seminal theories of electoral accountability, however, I find no evidence that the media affects what the public knows about state politics or how they behave in state legislative elections. Rather, I conjecture that local news affects representation via a more direct, elite-focused “watchdog” mechanism—by informing legislators about public opinion or increasing the perceived costs that politicians face when deciding to cast an unpopular vote. The second paper examines the implications of news organizations’ decisions as to which local governments to invest in covering routinely. Newspapers are more likely to cover politics in larger cities and those with more white and wealthy residents. In cities and towns that the press covers more frequently, I find that local governments spend more per-capita on providing public goods, particularly policing, parks, housing, and public transportation. This suggests that increasing financial pressures on already resource-constrained news outlets may have negative implications for local public goods provision that could exacerbate existing inequalities in American democracy. Finally, in the third paper, I offer a methodological contribution to the measurement of public opinion at subnational geographies. Although the development of Multilevel Regression and Poststratification (MRP) has allowed scholars to more accurately estimate subnational public opinion using national polls, its usefulness has been limited in certain contexts because it generally recovers less accurate estimates from cluster-sampled surveys. I propose two approaches to improve estimation from MRP with cluster-sampled polls. The first is pooling data from multiple surveys to produce a larger sample of clusters. The second is Clustered MRP (CMRP), which extends MRP by modeling opinion using the geographic information included in a survey’s cluster-sampling procedure.

Geographic Areas

• United States
• Political science
• Public opinion
• Government policy
• Local government--Political aspects
• U.S. states--Politics and government

This item is currently under embargo. It will be available starting 2026-04-24.

More About This Work

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Introductory essay

Written by the educators who created Covering World News, a brief look at the key facts, tough questions and big ideas in their field. Begin this TED Study with a fascinating read that gives context and clarity to the material.

At the newsstand, on our smartphones and while watching the evening news, we learn about faraway people and places from the journalists, stringers and correspondents who work for news agencies and other media outlets around the globe. Global news is everywhere — from the front page news read by a New Yorker on Madison Avenue to the government radio station broadcasting in Pyongyang.

However, it would be a mistake to consider this a completely new phenomenon or to overstate its pervasiveness. Many people tend to think that global news is both a recent phenomenon and one that we can credit to advances in technology. If we think of 'news' in terms of newspaper articles or television reporting, then news is only as old as the technologies of press and video, and dates back to the first newsletters that circulated in Europe in the 17th century.

But in reality, humans have shared information about current affairs within and across borders for thousands of years, starting with the news networks of the ancient Phoenicians. The historical record also describes merchants sharing political news along ancient trade routes, minstrels and other traveling artists whose fictional performances also carried information about social change, and criers in medieval town squares.

If news is not a product of modern technologies, it's nevertheless true that technological change has had a dramatic impact on how news is made and consumed: where once we had printed newsletters distributed twice a day, now we have Twitter feeds refreshed twice a minute, and carrying information from an ever-widening array of sources. We live, as media critics like Marshall McLuhan have argued, in a global village.

The trouble with this vision of 'global news' is that it's not nearly as complete as we imagine it to be. According to the World Bank, of the world's seven billion people, only 80% have access to electricity (or the gadgets like computer and televisions that depend on it), 75% have access to mobile phones, and a meager 35% to the Internet. Most people on the planet aren't connected to what we think of as the 'global media' at all. As Global Voices founder Ethan Zuckerman points out in his TED Talk, "There are parts of the world that are very, very well connected, [but] the world isn't even close to flat. It's extremely lumpy."

Just as critically, the content that makes up the 'global media' is still heavily focused on a few key centers of power. In her TED Talk, Public Radio International's Alisa Miller shares a powerful map of the news consumed by American audiences in 2008: most of it focused on the U.S., and to a lesser extent, on countries with which the U.S. has military ties. Ethan Zuckerman points out that this lack of global coverage is pervasive, whether it's at elite news outlets like The New York Times or on crowdsourced digital information platforms like Wikipedia.

Moreover, Zuckerman argues, it's not just about the stories that get made — it's about what stories we choose to listen to. Thirty years ago, Benedict Anderson made waves when he argued that political structures (like states) depend upon a set of shared values, the 'imagined community,' and that the media plays a key role in creating those values. Zuckerman, however, argues that in today's world the disconnect between what we imagine to be our community, and the community we actually live in, is a major source of global media inequality. We connect to the Internet, with its technological capacity to link up the whole world, and imagine that we live in a global village. But in practice, we spend most of our time reading news shared by our Facebook friends, whose lives and interests are close to our own. Zuckerman calls this 'imagined cosmopolitanism.'

Compounding the problem, the stories we do attend to can be heavily distorted, reducing whole countries or societies to a single stereotype or image. As author Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie explains in her TED Talk about the 'single story,' when all the tales we hear about a country follow the same pattern, we begin to imagine that this pattern is all there is know. The 'single story' can affect all of us, rich and poor: Adichie talks of her own misconceptions about Nigeria's rural poor, of her surprise at encountering the diversity of life in Mexico, and of her college roommate's reductive vision of Africa as poor and underdeveloped. The difference, she argues, is that there are simply more stories out there about powerful countries than about less powerful ones, and that makes it harder for us to reduce those societies to 'single stories' in our minds.

What can we do?

First, we can tell different stories about the places that are prone to reduction. In her TED Talk, Yemeni newspaper editor Nadia Al-Sakkaf takes us to the Yemen she lives in — where terrorism and political upheaval are real problems, but far from the whole picture. Moreover, in her account, each image can tell many stories. A woman with a veiled face can represent the role of fundamentalist Islam in Yemeni society, but she argues that a look behind the veil shows us that many of these women are holding down jobs and earning income, and in so doing, changing their role within their own families and in Yemeni society more broadly.

Second, we can find ways to invest in journalism. As Alisa Miller argues, a major obstacle to a truly global news media is the cost of production, of keeping bureaus in every country and paying for journalists to produce deep, investigative stories. The great paradox of media economics in the digital age is that the Internet makes it possible for us to consume more content, but falling advertising revenues means that each piece of content must cost a little less to produce. That pushes news outlets, even wealthy ones, in the direction of gossip and regurgitated press releases that can be produced by a reporter who hasn't left her desk.

One way to break this cycle, Ethan Zuckerman argues, is to make small and targeted investments in local journalists in the developing world. He describes a blogger training program in Madagascar that became a newsroom overnight when world media outlets needed verified content from a country undergoing revolution. He highlights the critical work of professional curators like Amira Al Hussaini at Global Voices or Andy Carvin at the Associated Press.

At the heart of these recommendations is a shift in the way we understand the mission of journalists — or rather, a return to an old way of thinking about news.

Right up until the early 20th century, all journalists were assumed to be opinion writers. Reporters went places to report, made up their own minds about a topic, and wrote an account that included not only facts, but an argument for what position readers at home should take and what political actions might follow. George Orwell's colorful and opinionated essays from South East Asia, for example, were published as reportage.

Then the Cold War started, and in the democratic West, journalists began to strive for objective impartiality, to distinguish their work from the obvious, state-sponsored propaganda of the Soviet bloc. Many critics at the time questioned whether 'true' objectivity was possible, but no major western news organization disputed that it was the ideal.

Today, we're seeing a return to the older understanding of journalism, towards an acceptance that even independent reporting carries a viewpoint, shaped by the people who produce it. Moreover, contemporary journalists are increasingly coming to see this viewpoint as a strength rather than as a weakness, and using social media to be more transparent to readers about the values they bring to stories. New York University's Jay Rosen, for example, has argued powerfully that the 'view from nowhere' advocated by 20th century western reporters is dangerous because it can lead journalists to treat 'both sides' of a story equally even when one side is telling objective falsehoods or committing crimes.

Many of the speakers in Covering World News describe their journalism — whether it is Global Voices or the Yemen Times — as having an explicit moral and political mission to change our perceptions of under-covered regions of the world.

But no speaker is more passionate on this subject than TED speaker and photojournalist James Nachtwey, who credits the activist context of the 1960s for inspiring him to enter journalism, using photography to "channel anger" into a force for social change. Nachtwey's work has brought him, at times, into partnership with non-profit aid organizations, an alliance that is increasingly common in today's media world but would surely not have fit within the 'objective' media of a half-century ago. Nachtwey sees himself as a 'witness' whose place in the story is not to be invisible, but to channel his own humane outrage at war or social deprivation in order to drive social and political change: in one case, a story he produced prompted the creation of a non-profit organization to collect donations from readers.

This kind of work is a form of 'bridge building,' a theme that emerges in many of our talks. For while there may not be one 'global media' that includes all communities equally and reaches all parts of the globe, there are many individuals whose skills and backgrounds enable them to go between the connected and less connected pockets of the world, bridging gaps and contributing to mutual understanding. That, perhaps, is the way forward for international journalism.

Let's begin our study with Public Radio International CEO Alisa Miller, an ardent advocate for a global perspective in news programming. In her TEDTalk "The news about the news," Miller shares some eye-opening statistics about the quantity and quality of recent foreign reporting by American mainstream media organizations.

Alisa Miller

How the news distorts our worldview, relevant talks.

Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie

The danger of a single story.

Ethan Zuckerman

Listening to global voices.

James Nachtwey

My wish: let my photographs bear witness.

Nadia Al-Sakkaf

See yemen through my eyes.

Traditional Media vs. New Media

• To find inspiration for your paper and overcome writer’s block
• As a source of information (ensure proper referencing)
• As a template for you assignment

Need to write an old media vs. new media essay? Find here an A+ example! It studies the evolution of traditional to new media, explains how Internet has replaced newspapers, and gives examples.

Introduction

• Old vs. New Media

The Evolution of Traditional to New Media

Lots of people are now talking about new media as opposed to old or traditional media. However, there is still some uncertainty as regards the distinction between new and old media. Flew (2008) notes that the idea of ‘newness’ is rather subjective and relative as television and the Internet have become accessible almost simultaneously in such countries as India or China.

Other researchers suggest a particular distinction between new and old media based on the use of the Internet and digital technology (Salman et al., 2011). Noteworthy, researchers agree that the distinction between the two types of media is less important than the convergence of these types (Collins, 2013).

It is possible to state that the three standpoints are correct to a certain extent and it is possible to combine them. Thus, the distinction between old and new media is a bit blurred but still meaningful even though the two types of media are likely to converge into the third type.

Despite close connection between the two types of media, it is possible to draw the distinction between them. Logan (2010, p. 4) claims that new media “incorporate two-way communication” and are associated with computing (e.g. the Internet, social networks), while old media do not require computing (radio, print newspapers, TV). This standpoint can be easily illustrated.

Thus, newspapers and television are rather one-way sources of information. Viewers do not often participate in the creation of the programs. Admittedly, there are call-ins but the amount of participation is still irrelevant. When it comes to newspapers, they are not created by the readers.

Each piece of news is told by a journalist. Readers can only write letters or call the newspaper and it is the editor who decides whether to add the commentary to the next issue or not. However, it is necessary to note that at the era of newspapers and television there was no need in such two-way channels. People strived for news and they simply wanted to be aware of the latest events in the world.

Remarkably, people of the twenty-first century seek for networking and they want to feel connected. Boyd and Ellison (2008) stress that networking has become very popular as people feel certain empowerment. Thus, online resources are characterized by the immediate feedback (Ryan, 2010). Users post their commentaries and express their opinions on a variety of issues (Newman, 2011).

Moreover, people affect media’s agendas, so-to-speak. Jenkins (2006) mentions the story of a teenager who unintentionally caused the start of anti-American demonstrations and almost caused legal actions against himself. Internet users also feel their own relevance with the help of blogging. Keen (2010) emphasizes negative effects of such empowerment.

The researcher argues that blogging along with various applications available online makes people distracted from some really important things. Keen (2010, p. 55) articulates the idea that ‘democratized’ media only leads to the future where “everyone is an author, while there is no longer any audience”.

The present distinction is based on the degree of collaboration between producers of content and consumers. Van Dijk (2006) introduces a structural component of the distinction between new media and old media stating that the former are structurally different (i.e. two-way) from the latter (i.e. one-way).

It is also possible to differentiate between the old and new media focusing on their ‘popularity’. As far as old media are concerned, they are seen as somewhat outdated and they are declining. For instance, researchers note that there is certain decrease in newspapers circulations in many countries (Cervenka, 2005). Younger generations prefer searching the net to reading print newspapers.

Television is also losing points steadily. At the same time, the Internet and especially social networks are becoming more and more popular. Popularity of the Internet is due to its accessibility and multi-functionalism (O’Reilly, 2005). Internet users are attracted by the variety of options offered.

Thus, users can communicate, express opinions, share files, create certain communities, find information, etc. It is possible to state that this distinction is also relevant. Hence, it is possible to note that the distinction between old and new media is based on two dimensions, popularity and structure.

Remarkably, some researchers claim that there is a distinction based on the form. Chun (2005) notes that new media require computing and digital technology (unlike old media). Nevertheless, such media as online newspapers and digital TV are becoming increasingly popular. Some call these new media, but it is somewhat inaccurate. It is more appropriate to talk about the third type of media or the convergence of the two types.

Thus, Skoler (2009) states that the two types of media can facilitate each other. For instance, the author argues that social media can help develop such old media as newspapers. The researcher notes that people can continue telling stories and reporting about things they see, but it is journalists’ job to process the information and present the most relevant news only (Skoler, 2009).

This convergence of social networks and newspapers can be beneficial for both as the former get the air of confidence and the latter have access to almost unlimited sources of information.

French (2011) also claims that convergence of different types of media is beneficial for the development of the very concept of media. The researcher stresses that the so-called old media are now becoming digitalized. People have online newspapers and digital TV. They also keep using social networks and other applications. This helps people remain up-to-date and connected.

Thus, it is possible to state that the distinction between old and new media is becoming totally blurred as the third type of media occurs. It is possible to call it global, digital, collaborative and old and new media can be a characteristic of the twentieth century.

To sum up, it is possible to note that the distinction between old and new media can be based on several features. The most relevant distinction is based on the structural component and popularity. Thus, new media are characterized by computing and connectedness while old media do not possess these features.

However, it is also necessary to note that even this distinction is becoming somewhat blurred due to the changes taking place in the society of the twenty-first century.

Newspapers and TV are now digitalized and these media start being more collaborative (i.e. customers are getting involved in the process of creation of the products). This collaboration is beneficial for the media as well as the development of the society. People are now ready to collaborate and interact, which is crucial for the globalized world of the twenty-first century.

Reference List

Boyd, D., & Ellison, N. (2008). Social network sites: Definition, history, and scholarship. Journal of Computer Mediated Communication, 13 (1), 210-230.

Cervenka, A. (2005). Roles of traditional publications and new media. Innovation Journalism, 2 (4), 121-230.

Chun, W. H. K. (2005). Did somebody say new media? In W.H.K. Chun & T. Keenan (Eds.), New media, old media: A history and theory reader (pp. 1-12). New York: Routledge.

Collins, R. (2013). New bad things . Huffington Post . Web.

Flew, T. (2008). Introduction to new media. In T. Flew (Ed.), New media: An introduction (pp. 1-20). South Melbourne: Oxford University Press.

French, K. (2011). Emerging convergence. The Hub . Web.

Jenkins, H. (2006). Convergence culture: Where old and new media collide . New York: New York University Press.

Keen, A. (2010). Why we must resist the temptation of web 2.0. In B. Szoka & A. Marcus (Eds.), The next digital decade: Essays on the future of the internet (pp. 51-56). Washington: Techfreedom.

Logan, R. K. (2010). Understanding new media: Extending Marshall McLuhan . New York: Peter Lang.

Newman, N. (2011). Mainstream media and the distribution of news in the age of social discovery. Reuters Institute . Web.

O’Reilly, T. (2005). What is Web 2.0 . Web.

Ryan, J. (2010). The web! In J. Ryan (Ed.), A history of the internet and the digital future (pp.105-119). London: Reaktion.

Salman, A., Ibrahim, F., Abdullah, M.Y.H., Mustaffa, N., & Mahbob, M.H. (2011). The impact of new media on traditional mainstream mass media. The Innovation Journal: The Public Sector Innovation Journal, 16 (3), 1-11.

Skoler, M. (2009). Why the news media became irrelevant: And how social media can help. Nieman Reports . Web.

Van Dijk, J. (2006). The network society: Social aspects of new media . London: Sage.

• Broadcasting and proper use of media
• Propaganda in the Democratic Society
• Convergence of World Economies
• Convergence of Public and Private Security
• Consequences of Migration in the Twenty-First Century
• Propaganda Movement in Mass Media
• Fashion Magazines: Print Media Isn't Dead and Here's Why
• The Comparison Between the Two Different International Editions of Vogue Magazine
• Media in the society
• The Global Media Is All About Money and Profit Making
• Chicago (A-D)
• Chicago (N-B)

IvyPanda. (2019, July 4). Traditional Media vs. New Media. https://ivypanda.com/essays/old-media-and-new-media/

"Traditional Media vs. New Media." IvyPanda , 4 July 2019, ivypanda.com/essays/old-media-and-new-media/.

IvyPanda . (2019) 'Traditional Media vs. New Media'. 4 July.

IvyPanda . 2019. "Traditional Media vs. New Media." July 4, 2019. https://ivypanda.com/essays/old-media-and-new-media/.

1. IvyPanda . "Traditional Media vs. New Media." July 4, 2019. https://ivypanda.com/essays/old-media-and-new-media/.

Bibliography

IvyPanda . "Traditional Media vs. New Media." July 4, 2019. https://ivypanda.com/essays/old-media-and-new-media/.

The Impact of Media on Foreign Policy

Introduction

This essay offers an analysis of the effect that modern media have on the formation and exercise of foreign policy. To do this, I will follow a three dimensional structural approach, examining the levels of the man, the state and the system, while taking under consideration the interplay that takes place between them. This essay examines media in a twofold design , as an input source for decision-making and as an environment, which actors have to take into account during the policy formation (Srivastava, 2009, p. 3). Before proceeding to the examination of the influence that media have on foreign policy, it is of great importance, first, to clarify the conditions under which the states socialize within the current international system and, second, to define what foreign policy is.

This analysis will be based on the post 9/11 international system. [1] The author considers the current system as anarchic, competitive and inter-polar, while he identifies states’ socialization with one another on the basis of complex interdependence. Furthermore, the essay defines foreign policy as the articulation of a state’s priorities to the international arena, which are formed through the correlation that exists between the constraints that a state faces and its national interest. At this point, in order to avoid an endless argumentation over the concept of national interest, we will explain it on a dual scale conditional basis. Primarily, national interest is comprised by a Machiavellian thesis of raison d’ ètat . Under this spectrum, the first and foremost goal of the sovereign is the continuation of its existence. Furthermore, we can identify national interest as a derivative of domestic actors’ interplay. According to Gilpin,

“it cannot be said that states have interests. Only moral agents can have interests. Thus the objectives and foreign policies of states are determined primarily by the interests of their dominant members or ruling coalition” (Burchill, 2005, p. 49).

First level of Interplay: The System and the State

“What in the name of God is strategic superiority? What do you do with it?” (Kissinger 1982, 1175)

Foreign policy is the way in which states articulate their interests towards foreign actors. The effectiveness of the articulation rests on the relative level of power that a state has. To appreciate the complexity of the interplay that takes place within the international arena, this essay will follow, to a certain extent, J. Nye’s analysis of power as a three dimensional chessboard (Nye J. S., 1999).

The chessboard’s first level is comprised by pawns hierarchically ordered based on their military capabilities, a level of interaction that today has been led to a relative standstill. This rigidity of military interaction is mainly based on the theory of Mutual Assured Destruction and the prohibiting expense of a full scale conflict between great power states [2] . The middle level of the chessboard consists of pawns deployed according to their economic capabilities. The economy is increasingly transcending the sphere of latent power, where it used to be utilized as a mere means of maintaining civil cohesion or as a hard-power supporting factor. Economic incentives/disincentives are increasingly used by states as a way of exerting influence. Last but not least, the third level of interaction focuses on transnational relations and legitimization of actions. Here, states exert influence through benefiting from the prestige that follows their name. Now that we have briefly outlined the various stages of state interaction, we may proceed in examining how the existence of media influences foreign policy analysis and management.

Media and Hard Power

In order to see how media environment impacts upon the deployment of hard power, we will divide the phenomenon called the “CNN effect” [3] into consequent reverberations. First of all, we observe an accelerant effect. Under this scope, the existence of a 24 hour media environment leads to a constant flow of news and information, which acts as a pressing factor upon governmental decision-making. On that account, the accelerant effect impairs the quality of both the gathering of intelligence and of the actual response formation (Hoge 1994, 137). The constant flow of information can also be seen as an impediment to operational/national security, since news coverage on certain topics may lead to disclosure of classified information. A perfect example of an organization that uses media in a way that compromises many countries’ security protocols is Mr. Assange’s WikiLeaks, an organization that aims to reveal the countries’ true colors to the world, thus destroying the state’s myth, through publicizing governmental documents. Also, examining media through an input perspective, based on the prestige paper theory, media cables potentially can act as agenda setters. Following this theory, “in each major power, one newspaper stands out as an organ of elite opinion”  [4]  (Cohen B. C., 1963, p. 136).Thus, media can obtain great influencing power through its role as a core provider of information/intelligence.

Turning the scope of examination from passive recipients to active decision makers, executives themselves tend to utilize media as loudspeakers. In this way, governments send public signals, targeting foreign governments or certain groups of people. Governments can thus put pressure on foreign actors while raising awareness of their motives and intentions on an international scale.

Political Economy and Media

A picture is worth a thousand words.

After the termination of the Bretton-Woods financial system, states experienced an increasing level of transnational market interaction. This led to a consequent boost of transnational capital flows, an event that shifted control of the national economy away from the state. Governments cannot regulate the inflow and outflow of capital without interfering with the system of laissez-faire . Any action as such would impair the welcoming environment towards foreign direct investment, an inflow of capital that is vital “for modern states, since most (states) are incapable of generating (enough) endogenous wealth to finance their economic development” (Burchill, 2005, p. 146).

Nevertheless, if a country is to experience economic prosperity, having a free market is not enough. Markets [5] , just like states, are composed of people who make rational, utility-maximizing decisions in an environment of imperfect information (rational actors’ assumption). An addition to this is a second stress factor, which is that markets are built around the time-economization concept. Due to the fast-paced operations of modern markets, time is a luxury that decision makers cannot afford. Consequently, it is understandable that news blasts potentially have the power to impact on markets, creating herding tendencies.  Therefore, since the main trader of information is media, it seems of grave importance for a state to have a positive appearance on the international stage through media. Consequently, foreign policy makers need to pay attention to the financial stigma that the state projects towards the markets. Any wrong indication could threaten the credibility of the economy, driving capital away, and thus impairing the state’s economic power [6] .

Media and International Prestige

Due to the anarchic nature of the international system, no state can successfully attain and hold the position of a global hegemon. The world is too vast for any state’s limited reach (Mearsheimer, 2001). Thus, a state in the pursuit of security and prosperity needs to use further means to influence other actors in the international system. Two of the main elements that will guide us through the examination of the media’s effect on a state’s relative level of prestige are: institutional interdependence and the liberal school of thought’s approach to foreign policy making.

After the Second World War, states have not only tried to safeguard themselves through forming alliances, pacts and treaties, but also through building a system of complex institutional interdependence [7] . Due to the state of extensive interdependence that has been created, states are bound to seek international legitimization for their intentions, not only in order to receive assistance in their ventures but also to avoid penalizing retaliation from the international community [8] . At this point, we will incorporate the media factor in our analysis, with respect to utilizing media as a tool of manufacturing consent on an international basis. Based on this, the articulation of foreign policy within a media-governed environment should be done in such a way that the motives of the acting state should appeal not only to international law, but also to international civil society, thus acquiring consent for the intended actions. The best way of accomplishing that is through an eloquent projection of the country’s intentions, thus acquiring ethical legitimization for the intending actions.

The liberal school of thought offers further insight into the importance of media for the contemporary foreign policy makers [9] . Liberal states tend to identify themselves with values such as democracy, the free market and human rights. They place high importance on civil society and treat non-liberal states as possible threats [10] to world peace. This liberal collective identity provides its members with a system not only of self-reference, but also of action under the framework of “liberal obligations”. Consequently, including media in the context of a non-homogenous, semi-liberal world, we see that the interaction between actors can become yet more complicated, due to the increasing pressures that media can exert on governments. This opinion is supported considering media as an agenda-setting agency focusing on the existence of “liberal obligations”. According to Former Secretary of State, James Baker,

“All too often, television is what determines what is a crisis. Television concluded the break-up of the former Yugoslavia and the fighting in the Balkans was a crisis, and they began to cover it and cover it. And so the Clinton administration (was left) to find a way to do something. (Yet) they didn’t do that in Rwanda where the excesses were every bit as bad, if not worse” (Livingston, 1997, p. 6).

Bearing in mind the above, we conclude that the salience that media may give or not give to certain topics can influence the importance that the topic has for the government, thus increasing its priority in terms of national security. This phenomenon occurs most commonly during humanitarian crises, where liberal states have to interfere in order to, on the one hand, abide by their liberal values, whilst on the other hand, project power in terms of being able of escalating in terms of pressure (Srivastava, 2009, p. 7).

Second Level of Interplay: The Man and the State

The following analysis is based on the assumption that sovereignty rests with the people and not with the government in power. This suggests that the government is looking to attain the consent of the people for its actions in order to remain in power. Hence, the following syllogisms are applicable to both democratic and semi-autocratic regimes, provided that the government does not attain domestic legitimacy through overpowering its people, coercing them into perfect subordination. This analysis will first shed light on the domestic structure of power-interplay. Then, it will show in what ways media can shift the balance of power between the government, the elites and civil society. Last but not least, it will exhibit how the rise of media has contributed to the formation of certain media-led phenomena.

The Game of Domestic Influence

The interplay that takes place between the state and its people can be seen under two contrasting themes: the model of manufacturing consent and the model of constraint .

On the one hand, the government through its institutions is trying to manufacture consent for its actions. According to Professor Chomsky, we live in webs of deceit, in an indoctrinated society, where elementary truths can be buried with ease (Achbar & Chomsky, 1992). In this respect, the governmental elites are using the media in order to steer public opinion through controlling access to information and by choosing the levels of salience that certain topics will receive. In the same way Plato, in his book The Republic, enables the guards of the cave to control the prisoners through filtering their reality, thus fostering political apathy. One of the things that we may take from Plato’s allegory is that through restricting access to information within a perfectly ordered system, such as that of domestic politics, governments can control more effectively their subjects. Strategies as such are famous for promoting civil apathy through determining the peoples’ perception of reality, thus contributing to a regime’s stability.

On the other hand, since the government’s power/legitimacy stems from civil society, governments are bound to be held accountable for their actions by their people. In this sense, the public has the capacity to influence the government’s decision-making. This influence may take place either in the form of setting the agenda, thus deciding what the national interest will be, or in the form of imposing constraints on governmental decision-making.

Adding Media to the Equation

Now that we have established a political framework of domestic interaction, we can observe how the existence of media may influence the outputs of domestic political interaction [11] .

To paraphrase Cohen, the media might not be successful in telling people what to think, but they are incredibly successful in telling their public what to think about (Cohen B. C., 1963, p. 13). This point highlights the importance of salience and priming as a tool of fostering either political apathy or civil unrest (Iyengar & Kinder, 2012, p. 63).  A great example of the impact that a topic’s salience has on foreign policy is a comparison between the Israeli crackdown on Hamas (November 2012) with its consequences on civilians who reside Gaza, and the civil war that has been taking place in Syria for the past year. The salience that was offered by the media to the former, despite its brief duration, overwhelms that of the latter. This similarly applies to the public outcry that each one created. Consequently, the overwhelming outcry induced by the first incident led to stronger and more direct governmental responses [12] .

Even though media’s strong skill is controlling what people think about, it would be quite reductive to ignore their opinion-bearing aspect. Media quite often focus on “procedural framing”. These tactics concentrate on the negative or positive criticism of the way that policy decisions are being implemented. Another opinion-bearing tactic is “substantive framing”. In such an occasion, media evaluate the reasoning and the argumentation behind the policies followed by the government (Robinson, 2012, pp. 176-179). This leads us to three aspects of the “manufacturing consent theory”: the executive, the elite and the pluralist aspects. The executive version argues that the government influences the media, thus encouraging them to frame their broadcasts in accordance with the governmental agenda. Contrary to that, the elite version explains non-conformity of the media towards the governmental agenda as a byproduct of elites’ [13] disagreement towards the governmental position (Srivastava, 2009, p. 3). For instance, we see how Mr. Berlusconi, former Italian Prime minister and media tycoon, managed through a positive framing of his policies to become the longest serving post-war Prime Minister of the country, despite the fact that, Italy would, following a counterfactual syllogism, most probably be better-off following different policies than the ones suggested by Berlusconi. A more moderate approach to this is put forward by the pluralist model, according to which media are mere cables of the will of the electorate. Thus, their stance towards policy is in accordance with the opinions and interests of the people.

The Media-Led Phenomena

The most interesting aspect of the rise of media is their direct link to liberal ideals. In particular, the media have become increasingly important to civil society. Not only due to the multiplier effect that they have, turning internal disagreements to full-scaled civil unrest through “framing”, but also due to the fact that media have forged a “ glocal” state of affairs. What yesterday used to be local, nowadays rapidly transcends states’ borders, thus turning local into global in a few hours. For instance, a lack of social cohesion may immediately signal domestic instability towards the international system. What is more interesting though, is the “multiplier effect” that under the circumstances of the existence of an environment of complex interdependence, turns a lack of social cohesion into an undermining factor of the country’s economy, the country’s bargaining position and the country’s international legitimacy. Hence, we observe that the existence of media contributes significantly to the intensification of a spillover effect that characterizes interdependent environments.

Proceeding with our analysis of the impact that media have on the field of domestic politics, we observe that governments are trying to adapt to the issues that the change in civil society’s relative importance has raised. These issues include the need for refashioning the way that countries do diplomacy, the so-called “Vietnam syndrome”, and the increasing uncertainty over the ratification of transnational treaties.

After the secrecy of the Cold War era, governments felt the need to redefine the way that they practice diplomacy, due to the changing needs of the international system. These needs have steered governmental executives towards greater transparency. This can be seen in the tasks that ambassadors perform today. Nowadays, the ambassador’s task list includes interaction with civil society and the promotion of the country’s image through media, rather than meetings behind closed doors. In fact, what we have just exhibited is conceptualized under what political scientists call “public diplomacy”. To be more precise, R. Murrow defines public diplomacy as,

“interactions aimed not only at foreign governments but primarily with nongovernmental individuals and organizations, and often presented as a variety of private views in addition to government views” (Nye J. S., 2004, p. 107).

Thus, we observe foreign governmental action influencing the domestic politics of a state through targeting directly its civil society.

The “CNN effect” has already been established as an important if not core aspect of the media environment. A further reverberation of the CNN effect is the appearance of the “Vietnam Syndrome”. Based on this, coverage of war atrocities may lead to discontent and a loss of support for the war, having as a consequence increasing demands of troops’ repatriation. According to John J. Fialka [14] , a Wall Street Journal correspondent, during the Gulf War, the U.S. military was advised to censor what the Press was allowed to record and broadcast, so that the government would not lose support for the war (Livingston, 1997).

Finally, many countries, in the context of civil society’s increasing importance, try to promote more participatory forms of democratic governance. Here, a core element of decision-making is the ratification of interior or foreign policies through referendums. This, under Putnam’s two-level bargaining model, might increase a government’s bargaining power through decreasing its “win-set”, thus increasing the chances of securing a better deal (Putnam, 1988). Though, if we are to examine participatory democracy under the concept of “framing”, we cannot disregard the decision-making power that participatory regimes give to media. Inevitably, through “framing”, media have the capacity to sway public opinion. Thus it can be argued that media can have leverage over policy-making.

Coming to a conclusion, we see that this essay does not consider the media as another independent actor in the international arena, which tries to influence others in order to protect its interests. Nor does it pay much tribute to any reductionist analysis of the individuals who might govern the media. This essay has shown that the media can take many faces, and through the evolution of technology the media have become the catalyst that alters the environment in which international actors interact. In other words, both game and players have remained the same, while what has changed and has possibly become more sophisticated is the rules or the variables that a player has to take under consideration as well as the strategies that a player has to deploy in order to “checkmate the opposing king”. In other words, the evolution of media has affected the structure of both the international and the domestic system, thus indirectly impacting foreign policy.

Bibliography

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Burchill, S. (2005). The National Interest in International Relations Theory. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.

Cohen, B. C. (1957). The political process and foreign policy. New Jersey: Princeton University Press.

Cohen, B. C. (1963). The Press and Foreign Policy. New Jersey: Princeton University Press.

Fialka, J. J. (1991). Hotel Warriors: Covering the Gulf War. Washington: The Woodrow Wilson Centre Press.

Iyengar, S., & Kinder, D. R. (2012). News That Matters: Television and American Opinion (revised edition ed.). Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Livingston, S. (1997). An Examination of Media Effects According to Type of Military Intervention. Harvard College. Massachusetts: The Joan Shorenstein Center.

Mearsheimer, J. J. (2001). The tragedy of Great Power politics. New York: W.W. Norton & Company.

Nye, J. S. (1999). Redefining the National Interest. Foreign Affairs , 78 (4).

Nye, J. S. (2004). Soft Power The means to success in world politics. New York: public affairs.

Piers, R. (2001). Theorizing the Influence of Media on World Politics Models of Media Influence on Foreign Policy. European Journal of Communication , 16 (4), 523-544.

Putnam, R. D. (1988). Diplomacy and Domestic level politics: the level of two-level games. International Organization , 42 (3), 427-460.

Robinson, P. (2012). The Role of media and public opinion. In S. Smith, A. Hadfield, T. Dunne, S. Smith, A. Hadfield, & T. Dunne (Eds.), Foreign Policy theories, actors, cases (2nd edition ed., pp. 168-183). Oxford: oxford university press.

Srivastava, S. (2009). The Role of the Media in Foreign Policy: A Decision-Making. 7th AMSAR Conference on Roles of Media during Political Crisis. Bangkok.

[1] This essay chooses to consider as the main points of reference of the current international system the following: First, the bifurcasion point that altered the hierarchy of powers, cancelling the U.S.A. as the sole territorial hegemon throughout the international system. Second, the subprime Mortgage financial crisis of 2008, as well as, the Eurozone sovereign debt crisis, since according to the author these events modified both the discourse through which the contemporary international system is identified and consequently the rules under which the interaction of the systemic actors takes place. The above incidents reveal not only the high level of dependency that states bear towards the civil society and fellow states, but also the extent to which states are directly linked to each other, with ties of technology and social institutions.

[2] A great military power is defined through a country’s capabilities of escalating conflicts to the level of nuclear warfare.

[3] The CNN effect is a term that was coined during the cold war to explain the effect that the 24hour news channel had on foreign policy making.

[4] It is important to mention this approach in our analysis, without minding its reductionist character, cause it would be simplistic of us to assume that the individual factor has no effect on the formation of foreign policy.

3 When we refer to markets we should not consider them as some autonomous actor of the international system, but as a system of multi-level and multi-unit interaction, ranging from international organizations and states, to corporations and individuals.

[6] A rather interesting case study is the European debt crisis and mainly the contributing factor of rating agencies and media on the stampede of private capital from the south towards the northern European countries during the first months of the crisis.

[7] It is true that the international system is governed by uncertainty, thus states do not have perfect information for the intentions of fellow states, but when an identity of interest appears, this will, more often than not, lead to high level of cooperation (Thucydides 1954; 1972, 107). According to Axelrod in repetitive games, the actors have more incentives to cooperate, rather than following a Nash equilibrium strategy leading to always defecting, thus reaching maximum long-run pay-off (Axelrod 1984).

[8] There is no such thing as an actor called international community that is vested with night-guard capabilities, responsible for withholding world peace. The will of the International community is articulated through the interplay of power that takes place during the exchange of opinions in international organizations such as the United Nations. Retaliatory tendencies expressed by the “international community” mainly focus either on rogue states or on states that try to challenge the existing status quo.

[9] This study does not engage itself with questions regarding which school of thought is more useful or more common in the study of foreign policy analysis, it only takes as a given the fact that taking the current status quo, most western states have initiated themselves to a liberal “society of states”. Under this assumption, we observe that a liberal membership is identified with a certain set of values that the state should stand by if it wants to become a member of the “liberal society”.

[10] According to the liberal peace theory the main sources of destabilizing tendencies in the international system are non-liberal states. In this context, preemptive war against states as such has to take place in order to stop them from posing a threat to global peace (Fukuyama 1992).

[11] In this point we will not examine which actor (government or civil society) may exert greater influence on media as an agenda-setter. We perceive media as a neutral actor (profit maximizing firm), examining the potential influence that it may have on the way that the national interest is formed.

[12] Such as: The visit of the Egyptian Prime Minister Hisham Qandil to Gaza (16/11/2012). Immediate governmental press releases stating their viewpoint on the incidents. Intervention of the Egyptian President Morsi, leading to a ceasefire(22/11/2012).

[13] The deviant elite might stem from the government, the opposition or even the civil society that has a sway on the media. Hallin develops the concept of three spheres, one of consensus, one of legitimate controversy and one of deviance. These exist with regard to any given political issue. He argues that news media coverage, taking its cues from political elites, rarely produces coverage within the deviant sphere but rather either reflects elite consensus on an issue or elite ‘legitimate[d] controversy’ (Piers 2001), (Hallin, 1986).

[14] “ We were escorted away from most of the violence because the bodies of the dead chopped up by artillery, pulverized by B-52 raids, or lacerated by friendly fire don’t play well, politically ” (Fialka 1991, 2)

Written by: Iakov Frizis Written at: University of Kent Written for: Elena Korosteleva Date written: 12/2012

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Example Of Media Policy Essay

Type of paper: Essay

Topic: Politics , Middle East , Democracy , England , Media , Policy , United Kingdom , Iraq

Words: 2750

Published: 02/18/2020

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Introduction

Media policy is directed at various issues and contexts of the media environment. When developing the media policy, a broad range of theoretical perspectives are considered. This paper aims to analyze media policy from different theoretical perspectives. In this paper, the media policies of the United Kingdom and Iraq will also be analyzed. The important concepts, covered in this essay, include media imperialism, the CNN effects, and the key issues associated with media policy. An important factor, which must be considered when developing media policy, is the presence of several policy areas in the field of communication. These areas include telecommunication policy, information policy, cultural policy, communication policy, and others. The presence of multiple areas makes it essential to develop diverse regulations related to each area. For instance, regulations related to telecommunication, regulations related to information access and information infrastructures, and others (Rozwell, 2011).

Theoretical Framework The term ‘media is very important in the policy making process. This term has been interpreted in narrow ways. The critics of media associate the term with traditional mass media. However, the advanced technology such as the Internet and other devices also fall into the category of media (Herbert, 1995). A comprehensive media policy is one which developed regulations and laws for all forms of media including print media, television, radio, and social media. Media policy is based on various theoretical constructs. All those constructs are subjected to different explanations. The theoretical constructs provide the framework for the development of criteria, which helps in assessing and evaluating the media. The criterion is likely to vary across the world; however, the principles presented in this paper are considered to be the basic blocks of media policy (Herbert, 1995).

Following are the fundamental building blocks of media policy:

Free Speech One of the core components of media policy is free speech. Free speech can be defined as the right to communicate. The principle of free speech aims to guarantee the free flow of ideas and perceptions. The role of free speech is associated with the democratic process of a country (Shanahan et al, 2008). A democratic state is required to guarantee the free speech of media channels.

The Public Interest

The second core principle of media policy is the public interest. The public interest has a long history in the process of media policymaking. Public interest is the benchmark, which is used for assessing media policies. According to this principle, the media policy must not reflect the interests of individual parties or groups but the overall interest of the public (Shanahan et al, 2008).

The Marketplace of Ideas

The third vital principle of media policy is the promotion of marketplace of ideas. From this perspective, the media policy must prioritize different media systems which fulfill the needs of the public and contribute towards the success of the democratic process (Shanahan et al, 2008). The media must serve as the marketplace of ideas. Mass media must provide a platform to the public where ideas can be exchanged.

Key Issues in Media Policy

The key issues involved in media policy include: - Content - Infrastructure - Structure The nature of the content offered by different media outlets is a major concern of media policymaking. Structure can be defined as the structural elements of media. The examples of such structural elements include the patterns of ownership, characteristics of content providers, and the competitive conditions. Infrastructure involves different distribution systems and networks which are used to disseminate the system (Castells, 2007).

Mass Communication and Media Politics

There is a significant relationship between politics and socialized communication. Politics needs communication in order to influence the minds of people. Moreover, the political system requires mass media systems for communicating with the public. The media is based on a fragmented systems consisting of print press, radio, and the TV. The print press is used for producing original information (Castells, 2007). The TV is used to communicate information to the mass audience while radio provides means for customized interactions. The politics of the modern world is media politics. The political systems rely on the media in order to gain support of citizens. It is because of this reason that politics has a major influence on the media (Castells, 2007).

The CNN Effect

There are many academics who have published research on the CNN effect. The CNN effect theory aims to analyze the role of media in the international environment and political context. The CNN effect can be defined as the idea that the global television networks play a significant role in determining the policies. The CNN effect also argues about the influence of media on the government policy (Kogen and Price, 2011). The CNN effect theory argues that the global media has contributed towards the development of new species of information. The outcomes of the CNN effect can be shown in the following manner: The above table demonstrates the process of the CNN effect. The atrocity on the television led towards criticism of journalists on the government. The purpose of criticism is to pressurize the government to take any action. The pressure, therefore, leads towards the decision making process. According to some arguments, the CNN effect accelerates the process of policy making. This effect, ultimately, leads towards hasty decisions. The CNN effect is also seen as an obstruction to achieve desired goals. This consequence of the CNN effect is rooted in the emotional coverage and its impact on public opinions (Castells, 2007).

Analysis of the Media Policy of the United Kingdom

The media of the United Kingdom is well-known for its neutrality. The media policy of the United Kingdom has shown consistency in terms of its commitment towards media plurality. However, uncertainties exist regarding how to achieve this goal without making any compromise on the freedom and independence of media. In order to look for justifiable definition of plurality in media, the United Kingdom had adopted different quantitative measures (Remtulla, 2010). The research on the nature of media pluralism is rich; however, the narrow objectives developed by the United Kingdom have not been successful. It is largely because the process of media policy development, in the United Kingdom, is largely influenced by powerful media interests. The Communications Act 2003 of the United Kingdom is currently regulating the media landscape of the country. The government of the United Kingdom emphasized on the importance of plurality in media. The government also encourages investment in the media industry. In order to compete with international players, several rules were removed, which were related to broadcasting license (Ferguson, 1998). The media business has become globalized in the recent years. Therefore, the process of media policy making has become more complicated than it was before. The number of stakeholders has also increased in the recent years. Previously, the interventions in the media policy were limited to the role of legislators and certain industry players only. However, with the passage of time, the UK media is also facing interventions from other divisions such as the EU. The media policy of the United Kingdom is not confined to any single location. In fact, multiple divisions are involved in the process; for example, Trade and Industry (DTI), the Departments for Media, Culture and Sport (DCMS), and others. Since the new government of the country took power in the year 1997, the policy initiatives have resulted in debate about the dominance (Fejes, 1981). The participation of different interest groups in the process of policymaking is a significant challenge for policymakers. The media policy making, in the United Kingdom, is a highly complicated process. The policy of the UK media on different issues, such as press privacy, is rarely developed. The decision-making process has also become very complicated. The number of divisions involves in the process of policy making have increased. Currently, the issue of protecting media freedom and plurality is high on the United Kingdom’s political agenda (Kogen and Price, 2011). The media is seen as an essential part of the working democracy in the United Kingdom. It is argued that the changes in the technological environment; for instance, the increase in the number of information sites and the decline of print media, have made media pluralism unnecessary. In the past decade, the controls in media ownership were relaxed in the United Kingdom. The power of media, in the United Kingdom, has become more elastic than it was before. The delivery of news on the Internet has been modified. However, the Internet hasn’t undermined the importance of mainstream media. The social media has generated power by providing a customized news experience (Kogen and Price, 2011). The media of the United Kingdom is different from the media of Iraq in such a manner that in the United Kingdom, journalists exercise the freedom of speech. However, the UK media is also exposed to certain regulations. The media policy of the United Kingdom imposes restrictions on the freedom of speech. The legislations, placed on the UK media, include anti-terrorism legislation, official secrets, law of confidence, and others (Kogen and Price, 2011).

Media Imperialism

During the last decade, the role of modern communication in the third world countries has become very important. During the 1960s, researchers argued that the modern media can help in the social development of different third world countries including Latin America and different Asian countries. Recently, the emergence of a new approach has been observed. This modern approach is associated with the study of modern communication. The new approach is also referred to as the media imperialism. Media imperialism has been developed in order to resolve the concerns of the earlier models of communication. The emphasis of the media imperialism approach is on global structure. The major focus of the media imperialism approach is on cooperation and communication between the third world and developed countries (Wilkinson, 1997).

Analysis of the Media Policy of Iraq

The independence of media is essential for the successful development of democracy in a country. Without an independent and vibrant media, it is not possible to safeguards the interests of the public. The International laws and the Constitution of Iraq respect the freedom of media. The media of Iraq must grant freedom to all parties through all means. The freedom of press is also a critical component of the media policy of Iraq. The Article 42 of the Constitution guarantees that the citizens of Iraq possess the freedom of opinion. During the reign of Saddam Hussein, the foreign conspiracy tool was used. The content shown on the television was filtered by the higher authorities. The Internet was introduced to Iraq in the early 2000. The citizens of Iraq were provided with a limited access of the Internet (Gilboa, 2005). The Coalition Provisional Authority of Iraq regulated media standards. During the reign of Sadda, the freedom of speech was not granted to journalists. However, after the end of Saddam’s era, Iraqi media has advanced in terms of the freedom of speech. In the modern Iraq, the journalists have the freedom to criticize the government actions and policies. The CPA aims to develop environment where the principle of the freedom of speech is practiced in more advanced manners (Price, 2002). The media policy of Iraq was previously based on the doctrines of the Ba’ath Party. Those doctrines used to disgrace and disregard foreign news agencies. The freedom of expressions holds significant importance in the International Law. The right states that every citizen has the right to express his or her opinions freely. The international laws have bound Iraq to provide the freedom of opinion. When the mass media arrived in Iraq, the freedom of expressions and opinions was not granted. It was assumed in the media policy that the media needs to be controlled by the state. The Iraqi media changed significantly after the removal of Saddam’s government. Currently, satellite channels are the dominant medium in Iraq. The citizen of Iraq can access as many as thirty to forty television channels (Price, 2002). The current state of media in Iraq reflects pluralism. The media has provided significant freedom of expression to the citizens. However, the country still needs to work on the development of an independent media. The main elements of Iraqi media include local press, small media, and television stations. Previously, the newspapers distributed to the public were owned by Baathist. Now, there are as many as 150 news papers which are provided to the citizens. Nevertheless, those newspapers are owned by political parties. This suggests the needs for an institutional infrastructure which works for the development of independent media in Iraq. During the reign of Saddam Hussein, the media was limited. The state used to strictly regulate the media. In Iraq, there was one network known as Iraqi News Agency. The Iraqi News Agency used to function as the sole mouthpiece for regime. The media channels, other than the government one, were barred. It was also illegal to use satellite dishes. The Ministry of Information of Iraq was responsible for the control of media. There were five newspapers, which were controlled by the media. There was only one channel, which was owned by the government. Furthermore, there were four radio stations controlled by the government. In order to control the media of the state, legislations were also put into place. The free expressions of interest were also restricted by the government. In the United States, several hundred dollars were spent on strategic communication in Iraq. With the passage of time, the strategic role of media emerged in the form of a number of posters, television channels, billboard, and others. The role of online media has also been emerged in the recent years. There are diverse online news outlets including AK News, IraqiNews.com, and others. The news related to the government and other government institutions are prioritized The prominent areas of coverage, in Iraq, include different news related to the security situation, the activities of the US in the country, and different parliamentary proceedings. The education issues are also highlighted by the media. The recent revolution in Iraq did not receive proper coverage by the media. The ongoing protests, the revolutions, and other revolutionary factors were not covered by the media. This implies that the media of Iraq is governed by the United States. The concept of citizen journalism has also been emerged in Iraq. One of the latest trends in Iraq is blogging which provides critical information to the citizens.

The arguments, presented in this paper, have analyzed the media of Iraq and the United Kingdom. The essential component of media policy is the freedom of expression and freedom of speech. The media actors, in the United Kingdom, are provided with much liberty than those of Iraq. The media development, in Iraq, is at its infant stage. The Iraqi media has gone through several transformations during the last decade. However, the media of the United Kingdom is much developed than that of Iraq. The freedom granted to citizens and journalists is higher in the United Kingdom than in Iraq.

Castells, Manuel, (2007) “Communication, power and counter-power in the network society,’ International Journal of Communication, 1, pp.238-266 Fejes, Fred, (1981)’Media Imperialism: an assessment’ Media Culture and Society, 3, pp. 281-289. Ferguson, Robert, (1998) ‘ Otherness, Erocentrism and the representation of ‘race’ in Representing ‘Race’, London: Arnold, pp.65-82 Gilboa, Eyton, (2005) ‘The CNN Effect: the search for a communication theory of international relations, Political Communication, 22, pp.27-44. Herbert, Altschull, j, (1995), Agents of power: the media and public policy; US: Longman. Kogen, L, and M E Price. (2011) “Deflecting the CNN effect: Public opinion polling and Livingstonian outcomes.” Media War and Conflict 4(2): 109–123. Price, Monroe, (2002) ‘ New role of the state, ‘ in Media and Sovereignty: The global information revolution and its challenge to state power,’ Massachusetts: MIT Press, pp.5-29 Remtulla, Karim A. (2010) “Media Mediators’: Advocating an Alternate Paradigm for Critical Adult Education ICT Policy.” Policy 7(3) Rozwell, Carol. (2011) “Answer Seven Critical Questions Before You Write Your Social Media Policy What is our Organization ’ s Strategy for Social Media ?” Media (January): 7. Shanahan, Elizabeth A, Mark K McBeth, Paul L Hathaway, and Ruth J Arnell. (2008) “Conduit or contributor? The role of media in policy change theory.” Policy Sciences 41(2): 115–138. Wilkinson, Paul, (1997) ‘the media and terrorism: a reassessment, ‘Terrorism and political violence, 9 (2), pp.51-64.

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The Role of Social Media in Shaping Public Opinion and Its Influence on Economic Decisions

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Essay on The State, Media Policies & Democracy

The issue regarding the relationship between the state, media policy and democracy has been widely discussed in scientific literature. There are different conceptions of democracy, which can be applied to different situations. On the one hand, the public has the right to participate in social affairs, applying democratic principles and effectively using the mass media information to achieve the established goals. On the other hand, the conception of democracy is that “the public must be barred from managing of their own affairs, but the means of information must be kept narrowly and rigidly controlled” (Chomsky, 1992, p. 10). According to Noam Chomsky (1992), “propaganda is to a democracy what the bludgeon is to a totalitarian state”(p. 4). In other words, this phrase means propaganda is used by leaders to keep the masses under their control. Actually, Chomsky discusses the effectiveness of American propaganda efforts, providing comprehensive historical evidence “from the warmongering of Woodrow Wilson to the creation of popular support for the 1991 military intervention in Kuwait” (Chomsky, 1992). He places emphasis on the effects of the falsification of historical data, suppression of vital information, as well as the use of the vapid concepts by the U.S. leaders, both Democrats and Republicans, pursuing the major goal – to prevent the U.S. citizens from putting forward awkward questions about the adopted U.S. policy. Thesis statement : Propaganda can be viewed as an effective tool to promote democracy through the media, controlled by the state, although it may be ignored by people who have no interest in the proposed beliefs.

The role of propaganda can be assessed from different perspectives. Noam Chomsky, the linguists and political thinker, highlights the idea of “the bewildered herd” that refers to the masses that are too ignorant to critically assess the media. According to Chomsky, “the bewildered herd, trampling and roaring, has its function: to be the interested spectators of action, not participants” (Chomsky, 2004, p. 93). The state can be viewed as the specialized class, which involves not only policymakers, but also school teachers and principals, who lead and control the so-called “bewildered herd”.  The media can be used to direct the “bewildered herd” providing each member the sense of reality and instilling the proper beliefs. The so-called “gatekeeping” in relation to Chomsky’s arguments regarding “the bewildered herd” and propaganda being to democracy “what the bludgeon is to a totalitarian state” can be explained by the impact of the state on media policy.

Some of the techniques of propaganda, which include codes and conventions that depend on cultural knowledge, can be used to orient the public in the world of politics. Actually, propaganda’s function is to motivate others and influence the behavior of others in terms of politics. The techniques of propaganda are based on ethos, pathos and logos, because these elements make any argument more persuasive. As this strategy helps to produce successful propaganda, many propagandists combine democratic principles with the ideas expressed by the state to control media policies (Marlin, 2002). The art of propaganda is the art of persuasion, which proves the significance of the established ideology and proposed policy (Marlin, 2002). Codes and conventions that depend on cultural knowledge affect the quality of propaganda.

 In general, such gatekeeping compromises Bennett’s (2007) characterization of “news as a democratic information system” because the news media fails to serve the needs of democracy in certain political contexts.  Lance Bennett (2007) is focused on the role of various political actors, including political leader, presidents, the members of Congress, the members of interest groups and human activists in the functioning of the media to persuade people. According to Bennett, political thought is driven by the media, which provides both external and internal information. Many people ignore the news information because their interests are in conflict with the proposed beliefs. The media is focused on creating the healthy, trustworthy environment that is aimed at supporting the major state’s policies, as well as the ideas of the interest groups. In other words, the media is used to maintain and promote the so-called illusions developed by the state to allow public opinion being influenced by the state’s interests. The media operates as the tool to control political thought. Noam Chomsky (2004), as an experienced political thinker, believes that the media is a powerful force used by the state to create the required illusion of democracy. The media has the ability to construct public opinion as it is required by those who are in power. The fact that the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution works to ensure freedom of press, driven by democratic principles, does not mean that the media reflects democracy. According to Chomsky, “if the powerful are able to fix the premise of discourse, to decide what the general populace is allowed to see, hear and think about, and to manage public opinion by regular propaganda campaigns, the standard view of how the system works is at serious odds with reality” (qtd. in Best & Radcliff, 2005, p. 72). Generally speaking, Bennett’s characterization of “news as a democratic information system” fails to reveal the real function of the media in today’s political environment.

            Thus, it is necessary to conclude that the role of the media in contemporary politics is crucial as it depends on the state, but, at the same time, it is influenced by democracy. The study of political power in relation to public opinion helps to evaluate the significance of propaganda. The media can be viewed as an effective tool to control and manipulate public opinion, based on the principles of democracy and the ideas of governmental elites. In other words democracy is influenced by the state’s policies. Chomsky’s arguments regarding “the bewildered herd” and propaganda being to democracy “what the bludgeon is to a totalitarian state” can be used to give explanation to the impact of the state on media policy. Although the media is considered to be free from the state’s censorship, it is steadily compromised by the state’s control. In some cases, the media fails to provide people with the type of information they need to assess the political situation and make the correct choices regarding their own interests in politics. The governmental elites who provide control over the functioning of the media also have control over public opinion, shaping the information in their own interests. So, Bennett’s characterization of “news as a democratic information system” is false. Propaganda is crucial for the state as it maintains the illusion of democracy while permitting the interest groups to have power over public opinion.

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How To Draft A Social Media Policy

Draft an airtight social media policy to prevent PR disasters and legal issues. Here's your guide including a free pdf.

Today’s social media is different from a decade ago.

Higher usage, increased prominence, and other signs of a platform’s success also mean brands take on higher risks when utilizing these channels; a social media policy is no longer an “extra.”

A well-crafted social media policy uses clearly outlined rules and best practices to guide employees and those accessing the brand’s profiles in using social media platforms effectively and appropriately .

Everyone involved in the brand’s public image should clearly understand what is expected of them.

A policy helps them understand how to conduct themselves in a way that aligns with a brand’s values, missions, and goals, propelling the company forward.

And you’ll be better able to avoid security breaches, legal issues, reputational damage, and PR crises.

Getting Started With A Social Media Policy

Before creating a comprehensive social media policy, you must understand that it is impossible to prepare for every possibility.

However, talking to others in the organization can help you consider needs and issues you may not otherwise consider.

For example, your customer service team will understand how your audience sees your brand, uses social media, and what they need from your brand’s channels.

Your IT team will know what is available to manage channel security and how to manage security issues.

So, you’ll need to put together a social media policy team. Not everyone should have a say over every element of the policy, but representatives should be able to provide input and ideas.

Your social media policy team should include representatives from:

• HR department.
• Leadership.
• Customer service.
• Social media team.
• Employees from other teams.
• Design team.
• IT or website management team.
• Brand advocates or spokespersons.
• Marketing team.
• Loyal customers.

Once you have a team in place, you can start crafting your brand’s social media policy.

7 Steps For Creating An Effective Social Media Policy

The actual writing can be completed in seven steps, followed by four steps for implementation. But be warned: The last four steps are as important as the first seven.

Leave one out – fail to implement, update, or enforce your policy, for example – and your social media policy may be unable to guide your team and protect your brand .

To help craft your policy, we’ve included an explanation.

You’ll also find a downloadable pdf here with a list of questions to ask during each step to get you started.

1. Scope And Purpose

The first step to crafting an effective social media policy is to understand why you’re creating the document in the first place.

By clarifying the document’s purpose with everyone, you’ll increase the policy’s use and make it easy for team members to understand who should use it and when.

While a social media policy generally covers any social interaction or platform, including company blog comments and social platforms, listing these locations specifically will reduce confusion and act as a documented list of which platforms are approved and owned by your brand – as well as which platforms your employees or team members may use.

Decide what situations your policy should cover and who should be guided by it. Make it clear what circumstances fall under the policy and which do not.

2. Identify Risks

Social media use is full of risks, but many specific risks (and the ones that often catch a brand unaware) are unique to you.

For example, if you’re in the finance industry, you may have FCC and other rules and regulations to follow. Those in healthcare will have HIPAA and other laws and guidelines.

Aside from that, you will also face the standard risks of PR crises, security risks, intellectual property violations, and others.

List as many general risks as possible to help you determine what your social media policy should include.

3. Cover The Basics

With the list of risks in mind, it’s time to start outlining the various processes and guidelines team members will follow.

Outline the content that can and can’t be shared on the company’s accounts. Decide who will access these accounts and what security features must be in place.

Decide if you’ll allow comments on all your updates, what you will and won’t allow in those comments, and how you’ll handle any comments or posts you remove.

Develop a process for granting and revoking access to your accounts.

And decide the rules and guidelines that employees and others will need to follow when sharing brand-related content (or identifying themselves as connected with the company).

4. Define Who Is Responsible

Many times, errors are made, or issues are avoided not because employees don’t know how to handle them but because they are unsure of who is responsible and the process the company wants to follow.

So, for example, decide who is responsible for monitoring, listening, responding, and managing your social media profiles, promotions, and paid ads.

Decide and outline approval processes, reporting mechanisms or systems, posting limits, and other details.

And don’t forget to consider processes outside of the usual social media processes, such as what will happen when someone takes time off and who will be responsible for social media training.

5. Address Legal Considerations And Regulations

While you may or may not be regulated by industry regulators such as the FCC, you will undoubtedly need to follow data privacy laws, rules surrounding intellectual property, and advertising rules.

In your social media policy, you need to outline the general idea of these rules and what those utilizing social media need to know.

Note : While some of these rules may seem obvious to you, they won’t be obvious to everyone.

Don’t leave important ones out. Make more comprehensive documents (that are in plain language and easy to use in a hurry) available.

6. Voice And Style

Brands are delicate. To keep updates and content consistent, detail and explain the voice and style the company’s channels should have.

Provide users with a wealth of examples of updates that are and are not acceptable. You may also want to include links to official style guides.

Lastly, make sure the goal of your social media channels is clear. Will your brand respond to audience inquiries or offer customer service via social media ?

7. Crisis Response

No matter how careful or prepared you are, the worst-case scenario is inevitable. Eventually, a crisis will arise, so you need to be ready.

What should happen if an advertising or intellectual property rule has been violated?

If a PR disaster occurs or runs afoul of some other rule, regulation, law, or guideline?

You should also have a clear process to follow if an account or user has been compromised. Include links and email addresses to support each network so they can be contacted immediately.

You also need to consider PR issues outside of social media.

If a tragedy occurs, for example, how will you communicate with vendors, customers, and the general public? Who is responsible for crafting that message, and who needs to approve it?

Putting Your Social Media Policy Into Action

This process doesn’t end when you have a final social media policy draft.

Even the best social media policy is useless if it isn’t implemented, used, maintained, and enforced.

8. Social Media Policy Implementation

If you want employees and team members to follow the social media policy, it must be easily available and distributed to everyone.

Email it and announce it through internal channels. Walk through the document in a video. Make sure everyone is aware that it has been completed and made available.

Store it somewhere that’s easy for others to access. Still, you also need to ensure that it is added to onboarding packages and provided to anyone who may communicate on behalf of or promote the brand.

(You may wish to craft an external version for customers, your target audience, and other external parties.)

9. Resources And Assets

One of the easiest and most efficient ways to encourage employees to share company news and information while avoiding issues is to make approved assets available.

Provide everyone with logos, approved images, discount codes, and other resources in a location that’s easily accessed.

To make it even easier for employees to share updates, consider having an internal communication channel that notifies everyone of news, newly published information, and fresh assets.

10. Maintaining Your Social Media Policy

Social media and your needs change quickly. And while your social media policy won’t need daily or weekly updates, it will still require regular updating.

Let it get outdated, and it could cause more harm than good.

Imagine, for example, that you have an outdated security protocol in place when one of your accounts is compromised.

Schedule the social media policy update to ensure it gets done. It’s also the perfect opportunity to remind everyone of the document and help refresh their awareness of its processes and guidelines.

11. Utilizing Your Social Media Policy

The successful utilization of a social media policy begins with proper training.

While not all employees will need to understand all the processes, everyone should have a basic understanding of the guidelines within the policy and how it applies to them.

Lastly, ensure that the policy you’ve invested time and effort into creating is enforced.

Schedule regular searches and audits to ensure compliance and be sure to deal with anything that fails to meet the guidelines appropriately.

While a social media policy does require an upfront investment and your time, they are vital in today’s world.

This simple policy document will help you avoid and prepare for a crisis while arming your brand with the resources and knowledge it needs to deal with issues as they arise.

Do this well, and you’ll find that understanding what is and isn’t allowed will help encourage employees to promote your brand on social media.

More resources: 

• What Is Online Reputation Management (ORM)?
• What Is Puffery & How It Affects Your Brand Reputation
• How To Dominate Social Media Marketing: A Complete Strategy Guide

Featured Image: Rawpixel.com/Shutterstock

Loren Baker is the Founder of SEJ, an Advisor at Alpha Brand Media and runs Foundation Digital, a digital marketing ...

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Navigating Uncertainty: The Impact of Fintech, Economic Policy, and Social Media on the U.S. Bank Stock Returns

43 Pages Posted: 24 Jul 2024

Syed Faisal Shah

University of Sharjah

Ammad Ahmed

Atia hussain.

University of Sharjah - College of Business Administration

This study explores how FinTech advancements, economic policy uncertainty (EPU), and social media sentiments affect bank stock returns in the United States. We analyzed data from 338 listed banks between 2010 and 2022, using a two-step Generalized Method of Moments estimator to address potential biases. Our findings show that EPU has the most significant negative impact on bank stock returns, highlighting the importance of stable policies for maintaining investor confidence. While FinTech advancements generally boost bank performance, they can temporarily hurt profitability due to initial costs and market skepticism. Positive social media sentiments, especially from platforms like Twitter, significantly enhance investor confidence and bank stock returns. However, when combined with high EPU, the positive effects of FinTech and social media are diminished, showing the density of these interactions. Robustness checks, including feasible generalized least squares and control variables such as unemployment, political stability, and the Z-Score, confirm the consistency of our results. This study provides valuable insights for policymakers, financial institutions, and researchers, emphasizing the need for strategies that integrate technological, social, and policy factors to support financial stability and market performance.

Keywords: fintech, Economic policy uncertainty, Twitter Sentiment, stock returns

Suggested Citation: Suggested Citation

Syed Faisal Shah (Contact Author)

University of sharjah ( email ).

University City Road P. O. Box 27272 Sharjah, 27272 United Arab Emirates

University of Sharjah - College of Business Administration ( email )

University City Road Sharjah, 27272 United Arab Emirates

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Shasta County drops controversial media policy amid backlash from sheriff

A day after Shasta Sheriff Michael Johnson in a stinging rebuke debunked any notion his department was involved in the decision to set up a media room for journalists covering meetings, county leaders announced they are getting rid of it.

In a press release titled “Media Room Access Rescinded,” Supervisor Kevin Crye, who chairs the board, said “based on public comments and concerns, the option of the Media Room access will be rescinded.”

Announced last week, the county’s new media policy received harsh criticism from residents, including during Tuesday’s Board of Supervisors meeting.

At that meeting, Crye said Johnson helped fashion the new policy, which included a separate media room for journalists.

On Wednesday, Johnson emphatically denied he had anything do with creating a media room and went on to say it was not a good idea.

“This was NOT introduced or in any way developed by the Shasta County Sheriff’s Office. In fact, upon learning of this new development, I questioned why it was even discussed or brought into play. In my time as Sheriff, that ‘media room’ has been exclusively used by department heads that occasionally attend BOS (board of supervisors’) meetings. Because of this option now being introduced, the (sheriff’s office) had to account for other safety considerations that could become a factor when implementing the safety protocol/process,” Johnson said.

Johnson said, “I will not be drug into the frivolous politics and bickering that occurs.”

Supervisors-elect Matt Plummer and Allen Long also were critical of the new media rules.

Plummer said he would like to see the board address the cause of the disruptions during meetings and work on ways to reduce them rather than “focusing on the media.”

“Any time the government restricts the rights of the public it should be obligated to offer a thorough explanation on why it is doing that, and I don’t feel that’s been done,” said Plummer, who beat District 4 incumbent Patrick Jones in March.

Long said supervisors need to focus on the county issues that matter.

"I would not have made that policy and I think we are focused on things that are not a problem," Long said. "We need to get back to the county business."

A few hours before Tuesday’s supervisors' meeting,  the First Amendment Coalition  sent a letter to the supervisors protesting the county’s new media policy and procedures for covering board meetings.

In his statement Thursday, Crye was critical of the media’s reporting of the new policy and said he wanted “to clear a few things up.”

“Public Safety and Security of County Buildings is the responsibility of the Sheriff’s Department. The Media Room was created by County Staff, as an option, to facilitate the media whenever the Board room is being cleared,” he said.

The Record Searchlight has emailed sheriff’s office spokesman Tim Mapes for a statement from Johnson. Mapes declined to comment on the sheriff's behalf.

David Benda covers  business , development and anything else that comes up for the USA TODAY Network in Redding. He also writes the weekly  "Buzz on the Street"  column. He’s part of a team of dedicated reporters that investigate wrongdoing, cover breaking news and tell other stories about your community. Reach him on X, formerly Twitter  @DavidBenda_RS  or by phone at 530-338-8323. To support and sustain this work, please  subscribe  today.

The Space Development Agency and the Future of Defense Space Acquisitions

Download Paper

SDA is creating a model for rapid acquisition with distinct characteristics that have contributed to its early progress. Yet analysis of SDA’s approach also indicates that other defense acquisition organizations will face challenges adopting the SDA model for their programs. Further, SDA is likely to face its own challenges sustaining its model. Congress and DOD leadership have been supportive of the agency and have given it tremendous budgetary and acquisition flexibility. Whether SDA continues to receive flexibility may depend on its operational success as it pursues quantities and time frames never before achieved in defense space acquisition. 

Author: Andrew Berglund

Download this paper at: https://csps.aerospace.org/papers/space-development-agency-and-future-defense-space-acquisitions

Andrew Berglund

What Kamala Harris has said so far on key issues in her campaign

As she ramps up her nascent presidential campaign, Vice President Kamala Harris is revealing how she will address the key issues facing the nation.

In speeches and rallies, she has voiced support for continuing many of President Joe Biden’s measures, such as lowering drug costs , forgiving student loan debt and eliminating so-called junk fees. But Harris has made it clear that she has her own views on some key matters, particularly Israel’s treatment of Gazans in its war with Hamas.

In a departure from her presidential run in 2020, the Harris campaign has confirmed that she’s moved away from many of her more progressive stances, such as her interest in a single-payer health insurance system and a ban on fracking.

Harris is also expected to put her own stamp and style on matters ranging from abortion to the economy to immigration, as she aims to walk a fine line of taking credit for the administration’s accomplishments while not being jointly blamed by voters for its shortcomings.

Her early presidential campaign speeches have offered insights into her priorities, though she’s mainly voiced general talking points and has yet to release more nuanced plans. Like Biden, she intends to contrast her vision for America with that of former President Donald Trump. ( See Trump’s campaign promises here .)

“In this moment, I believe we face a choice between two different visions for our nation: one focused on the future, the other focused on the past,” she told members of the historically Black sorority Zeta Phi Beta at an event in Indianapolis in late July. “And with your support, I am fighting for our nation’s future.”

Here’s what we know about Harris’ views:

Harris took on the lead role of championing abortion rights for the administration after Roe v. Wade was overturned in June 2022. This past January, she started a “ reproductive freedoms tour ” to multiple states, including a stop in Minnesota thought to be the first by a sitting US president or vice president at an abortion clinic .

On abortion access, Harris embraced more progressive policies than Biden in the 2020 campaign, as a candidate criticizing his previous support for the Hyde Amendment , a measure that blocks federal funds from being used for most abortions.

Policy experts suggested that although Harris’ current policies on abortion and reproductive rights may not differ significantly from Biden’s, as a result of her national tour and her own focus on maternal health , she may be a stronger messenger.

High prices are a top concern for many Americans who are struggling to afford the cost of living after a spell of steep inflation. Many voters give Biden poor marks for his handling of the economy, and Harris may also face their wrath.

In her early campaign speeches, Harris has echoed many of the same themes as Biden, saying she wants to give Americans more opportunities to get ahead. She’s particularly concerned about making care – health care, child care, elder care and family leave – more affordable and available.

Harris promised at a late July rally to continue the Biden administration’s drive to eliminate so-called “junk fees” and to fully disclose all charges, such as for events, lodging and car rentals. In early August, the administration proposed a rule that would ban airlines from charging parents extra fees to have their kids sit next to them.

On day one, I will take on price gouging and bring down costs. We will ban more of those hidden fees and surprise late charges that banks and other companies use to pad their profits.”

Since becoming vice president, Harris has taken more moderate positions, but a look at her 2020 campaign promises reveals a more progressive bent than Biden.

As a senator and 2020 presidential candidate, Harris proposed providing middle-class and working families with a refundable tax credit of up to $6,000 a year (per couple) to help keep up with living expenses. Titled the LIFT the Middle Class Act, or Livable Incomes for Families Today, the measure would have cost at the time an estimated $3 trillion over 10 years.

Unlike a typical tax credit, the bill would allow taxpayers to receive the benefit – up to $500 – on a monthly basis so families don’t have to turn to payday loans with very high interest rates.

As a presidential candidate, Harris also advocated for raising the corporate income tax rate to 35%, where it was before the 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act that Trump and congressional Republicans pushed through Congress reduced the rate to 21%. That’s higher than the 28% Biden has proposed.

Affordable housing was also on Harris’ radar. As a senator, she introduced the Rent Relief Act, which would establish a refundable tax credit for renters who annually spend more than 30% of their gross income on rent and utilities. The amount of the credit would range from 25% to 100% of the excess rent, depending on the renter’s income.

Harris called housing a human right and said in a 2019 news release on the bill that every American deserves to have basic security and dignity in their own home.

Consumer debt

Hefty debt loads, which weigh on people’s finances and hurt their ability to buy homes, get car loans or start small businesses, are also an area of interest to Harris.

As vice president, she has promoted the Biden administration’s initiatives on student debt, which have so far forgiven more than $168 billion for nearly 4.8 million borrowers . In mid-July, Harris said in a post on X that “nearly 950,000 public servants have benefitted” from student debt forgiveness, compared with only 7,000 when Biden was inaugurated.

A potential Harris administration could keep that momentum going – though some of Biden’s efforts have gotten tangled up in litigation, such as a program aimed at cutting monthly student loan payments for roughly 3 million borrowers enrolled in a repayment plan the administration implemented last year.

The vice president has also been a leader in the White House efforts to ban medical debt from credit reports, noting that those with medical debt are no less likely to repay a loan than those who don’t have unpaid medical bills.

In a late July statement praising North Carolina’s move to relieve the medical debt of about 2 million residents, Harris said that she is “committed to continuing to relieve the burden of medical debt and creating a future where every person has the opportunity to build wealth and thrive.”

Health care

Harris, who has had shifting stances on health care in the past, confirmed in late July through her campaign that she no longer supports a single-payer health care system .

During her 2020 campaign, Harris advocated for shifting the US to a government-backed health insurance system but stopped short of wanting to completely eliminate private insurance.

The measure called for transitioning to a Medicare-for-All-type system over 10 years but continuing to allow private insurance companies to offer Medicare plans.

The proposal would not have raised taxes on the middle class to pay for the coverage expansion. Instead, it would raise the needed funds by taxing Wall Street trades and transactions and changing the taxation of offshore corporate income.

When it comes to reducing drug costs, Harris previously proposed allowing the federal government to set “a fair price” for any drug sold at a cheaper price in any economically comparable country, including Canada, the United Kingdom, France, Japan or Australia. If manufacturers were found to be price gouging, the government could import their drugs from abroad or, in egregious cases, use its existing but never-used “march-in” authority to license a drug company’s patent to a rival that would produce the medication at a lower cost.

Harris has been a champion on climate and environmental justice for decades. As California’s attorney general, Harris sued big oil companies like BP and ConocoPhillips, and investigated Exxon Mobil for its role in climate change disinformation. While in the Senate, she sponsored the Green New Deal resolution.

During her 2020 campaign, she enthusiastically supported a ban on fracking — but a Harris campaign official said in late July that she no longer supports such a ban.

Fracking is the process of using liquid to free natural gas from rock formations – and the primary mode for extracting gas for energy in battleground Pennsylvania. During a September 2019 climate crisis town hall hosted by CNN, she said she would start “with what we can do on Day 1 around public lands.” She walked that back later when she became Biden’s running mate.

Biden has been the most pro-climate president in history, and climate advocates find Harris to be an exciting candidate in her own right. Democrats and climate activists are planning to campaign on the stark contrasts between Harris and Trump , who vowed to push America decisively back to fossil fuels, promising to unwind Biden’s climate and clean energy legacy and pull America out of its global climate commitments.

If elected, one of the biggest climate goals Harris would have to craft early in her administration is how much the US would reduce its climate pollution by 2035 – a requirement of the Paris climate agreement .

Immigration

Harris has quickly started trying to counter Trump’s attacks on her immigration record.

Her campaign released a video in late July citing Harris’ support for increasing the number of Border Patrol agents and Trump’s successful push to scuttle a bipartisan immigration deal that included some of the toughest border security measures in recent memory.

The vice president has changed her position on border control since her 2020 campaign, when she suggested that Democrats needed to “critically examine” the role of Immigration and Customs Enforcement, or ICE, after being asked whether she sided with those in the party arguing to abolish the department.

In June of this year, the White House announced a crackdown on asylum claims meant to continue reducing crossings at the US-Mexico border – a policy that Harris’ campaign manager, Julie Chavez Rodriguez, indicated in late July to CBS News would continue under a Harris administration.

Trump’s attacks stem from Biden having tasked Harris with overseeing diplomatic efforts in Central America in March 2021. While Harris focused on long-term fixes, the Department of Homeland Security remained responsible for overseeing border security.

She has only occasionally talked about her efforts as the situation along the US-Mexico border became a political vulnerability for Biden. But she put her own stamp on the administration’s efforts, engaging the private sector.

Harris pulled together the Partnership for Central America, which has acted as a liaison between companies and the US government. Her team and the partnership are closely coordinating on initiatives that have led to job creation in the region. Harris has also engaged directly with foreign leaders in the region.

Experts credit Harris’ ability to secure private-sector investments as her most visible action in the region to date but have cautioned about the long-term durability of those investments.

Israel-Hamas

The Israel-Hamas war is the most fraught foreign policy issue facing the country and has spurred a multitude of protests around the US since it began in October.

After meeting with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in late July, Harris gave a forceful and notable speech about the situation in Gaza.

We cannot look away in the face of these tragedies. We cannot allow ourselves to become numb to the suffering. And I will not be silent.”

Harris echoed Biden’s repeated comments about the “ironclad support” and “unwavering commitment” to Israel. The country has a right to defend itself, she said, while noting, “how it does so, matters.”

However, the empathy she expressed regarding the Palestinian plight and suffering was far more forceful than what Biden has said on the matter in recent months. Harris mentioned twice the “serious concern” she expressed to Netanyahu about the civilian deaths in Gaza, the humanitarian situation and destruction she called “catastrophic” and “devastating.”

She went on to describe “the images of dead children and desperate hungry people fleeing for safety, sometimes displaced for the second, third or fourth time.”

Harris emphasized the need to get the Israeli hostages back from Hamas captivity, naming the eight Israeli-American hostages – three of whom have been killed.

But when describing the ceasefire deal in the works, she didn’t highlight the hostage for prisoner exchange or aid to be let into Gaza. Instead, she singled out the fact that the deal stipulates the withdrawal by the Israeli military from populated areas in the first phase before withdrawing “entirely” from Gaza before “a permanent end to the hostilities.”

Harris didn’t preside over Netanyahu’s speech to Congress in late July, instead choosing to stick with a prescheduled trip to a sorority event in Indiana.

Harris is committed to supporting Ukraine in its fight against Russian aggression, having met with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky at least six times and announcing last month $1.5 billion for energy assistance, humanitarian needs and other aid for the war-torn country.

At the Munich Security Conference earlier this year, Harris said: “I will make clear President Joe Biden and I stand with Ukraine. In partnership with supportive, bipartisan majorities in both houses of the United States Congress, we will work to secure critical weapons and resources that Ukraine so badly needs. And let me be clear: The failure to do so would be a gift to Vladimir Putin.”

More broadly, NATO is central to our approach to global security. For President Biden and me, our sacred commitment to NATO remains ironclad. And I do believe, as I have said before, NATO is the greatest military alliance the world has ever known.”

Police funding

The Harris campaign has also walked back the “defund the police” sentiment that Harris voiced in 2020. What she meant is she supports being “tough and smart on crime,” Mitch Landrieu, national co-chair for the Harris campaign and former mayor of New Orleans, told CNN’s Pamela Brown in late July.

In the midst of nationwide 2020 protests sparked by George Floyd’s murder by a Minneapolis police officer, Harris voiced support for the “defund the police” movement, which argues for redirecting funds from law enforcement to social services. Throughout that summer, Harris supported the movement and called for demilitarizing police departments.

Democrats largely backed away from calls to defund the police after Republicans attempted to tie the movement to increases in crime during the 2022 midterm elections.

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